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The Minnesota Election Interference Law Handbook

Reviewing key federal and state laws and regulations will help election officials, their counsel, and others who support them to appropriately prepare and respond, if necessary.

August 31, 2026
August 31, 2026

Purpose and Scope

The purpose of this handbook is to provide election officials, their counsel, and others who support their election administration efforts with summaries of key legal authorities related to domestic interference in elections, both at the federal and state levels, including restrictions on such interference. It also offers scenarios and actions that officials should consider in developing their plans related to these issues.

This handbook is for informational purposes only. It does not provide legal guidance or include an exhaustive list of government agencies and departments, federal and state laws and regulations, or other authorities that may affect election administration. Nor is it an operational plan. Rather, it is for deliberative purposes and intended to inform the planning process.

Federal Law: Summary of Key Provisions*

Election Interference

Election Interference Generally

  • 18 U.S.C. § 245 (Federally protected activities): Provides protection from interference in voting or participating in other election activities on account of race, color, religion, or national origin; and prohibits using force or threat of force to willfully injure, intimidate, or interfere with “any person because he is or has been, or in order to intimidate such person . . . from[,] participating [in voting or election activities], without discrimination on account of race, color, religion or national origin.”
  • 18 U.S.C. § 594** (Intimidation of voters): Prohibits intimidating, threatening, or coercing any person “for the purpose of interfering with the right . . . to vote.”

Election Interference by Government Officials

In addition to the statutes above, some federal laws address election interference by government officials or those using government resources.

  • 18 U.S.C. § 592 (Troops at polls): Prohibits U.S. military or federal officials from stationing “troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held” except when necessary “to repel armed enemies of the United States.”
  • 18 U.S.C. § 593 (Interference by armed forces): Prohibits members of the U.S. military from interfering “in any manner with an election officer’s discharge of [their] duties.”
  • 18 U.S.C. § 595 (Interference by administrative employees of Federal, State, or Territorial Governments): Prohibits government employees from using official authority in connection with federally financed activity to interfere with or influence a federal election.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 598 (Coercion by means of relief appropriations): Prohibits the use of congressional appropriations “for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing” any person in the exercise of their right to vote.
  • 42 U.S.C. § 1983 (Civil action for deprivation of rights): Prohibits anyone acting under the color of state law from violating the constitutional rights of any person.

Election Material Maintenance, Access, and Retention

  • 52 U.S.C. § 21083 (Computerized statewide voter registration list requirements and requirements for voters who register by mail): Requires each state’s chief election official to ensure implementation, “in a uniform and nondiscriminatory manner,” of “a single, uniform, official, centralized, interactive computerized statewide voter registration list” containing the name, registration information, and an assigned unique identifier of every legally registered voter in the state. (Not applicable to North Dakota.)
  • 52 U.S.C. § 21085 (Methods of implementation left to discretion of State): Leaves “the specific choices on the methods of complying with the requirements of [52 U.S.C. §§ 21081–102]” to each state’s discretion.
  • 52 U.S.C. § 20701 (Retention and preservation of records and papers by officers of elections; . . . penalty for violation): Requires election officials to retain and preserve, for 22 months and with specific exceptions, all records relating to any application, registration, poll tax payment, and other act requisite to voting in any general, special, or primary election that includes candidates for president, vice president, senator, congressional representative, presidential elector, or resident commissioner of Puerto Rico, and provides criminal penalties for noncompliance.
  • 52 U.S.C. § 20703 (Demand for records or papers by Attorney General or representative; statement of basis and purpose): Requires that any record or paper retained and preserved per 52 U.S.C. § 20701 be made available for inspection, reproduction, and copying at the principal office of the legal custodian by the attorney general (or a designated representative) upon demand, provided said demand is in writing and contains a statement of the basis and the purpose for which it is made.

Election Observers

Congressional Observers

  • 52 U.S.C. § 21083a (Confirmation of Congressional Observer Access Act):
    • Provides that, regardless of legislative action, Congress has the constitutional authority “to send congressional election observers to observe polling locations, any location where processing, scanning, tabulating, canvassing, recounting, auditing, or certifying voting results is occurring, or any other part of the process associated with elections for Federal office,” per the authorities granted under U.S. Const. art. I, § 5, cl. 1 and U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1.
    • Requires that each state “shall provide each individual who is acting as a designated congressional election observer for an election for Federal office with full access to clearly observe all elements of election administration procedures,” including (but not limited to) access to any area in which ballots are cast, processed, scanned, tabulated, canvassed, recounted, audited, or certified, during voting as well as during “pre- and post-election procedures.”
    • Provides that congressional observers may not “handle a ballot or election equipment (whether voting or nonvoting or whether tabulating or nontabulating), advocate for any position or candidate, take any action to reduce ballot secrecy or voter privacy, take any action to interfere with the ability of a voter to cast a ballot or an election administrator to carry the administrator’s duties, or otherwise interfere with the election administration process.”

DOJ “federal observers”

  • 52 S.C. § 10302 (Proceeding to enforce the right to vote): Provides that whenever the attorney general “or an aggrieved person” institutes a proceeding under any statute to enforce constitutional voting guarantees in any state or political subdivision, the court shall authorize the director of the Office of Personnel Management “to appoint federal observers . . . to serve for such period of time and for such political subdivisions as the court shall determine is appropriate to enforce the voting guarantees of the fourteenth or fifteenth amendment.”

Paramilitary Activity and Civil Unrest

  • 10 U.S.C. §§ 251–55 (Insurrection Act): Authorizes the president to deploy military forces inside the United States to suppress rebellion or domestic violence or to enforce the law in certain situations. This provision is the primary exception to the Posse Comitatus Act, under which federal military forces are generally barred from participating in civilian law enforcement activities.
  • 10 U.S.C. § 12406 (National Guard in federal service: call): Authorizes the president to federalize and deploy National Guard forces when there is an invasion or threat of invasion or a rebellion against the authority of the U.S. government or threat of such rebellion, or when the president is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States. The issue of whether this law constitutes an exception to the Posse Comitatus Act is currently in litigation.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 2101 (Anti-Riot Act): Prohibits using interstate or foreign commerce (such as crossing state lines or using the mail, phones, radio, TV, or the internet) with the intent to incite a riot; to organize, promote, encourage, participate in, or carry on a riot; to commit violent acts to further a riot; or to help someone else incite or take part in a riot or violent act related to a riot.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 231 (Civil disorders): Prohibits any of the following in connection with civil disorder: teaching or showing someone how to make or use a gun, explosive, or dangerous device; transporting or manufacturing a gun or explosive; and obstructing or interfering with police or firefighters.

Threats and Voter Intimidation

  • 18 U.S.C. § 115 (Influencing, impeding, or retaliating against a Federal official by threatening or injuring a family member): Prohibits threats “to assault, kidnap or murder” federal officials, employees, or their family members with the “intent to impede, intimidate, or interfere with” the performance of official duties, or in retaliation for official duties.
  • 47 U.S.C. § 223 (Obscene or harassing telephone calls in the District of Columbia or in interstate or foreign communications): Prohibits knowingly making an interstate communication or transmitting “any comment, request, suggestion, proposal, image, or other communication which is obscene” with the intent to abuse, threaten, or harass another person.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 610 (Coercion of political activity): Prohibits intimidating or threatening federal employees “to engage in, or not to engage in, any political activity.”
  • 18 U.S.C. § 875 (Interstate communications): Prohibits threatening to kidnap or injure someone using certain interstate communications.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 876 (Mailing threatening communications): Prohibits knowingly sending by mail “any communication . . . addressed to any other person and containing any threat to kidnap any person or any threat to injure”; includes additional penalties for mailing threats to federal officials.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 2261A (Stalking): Prohibits interstate stalking and cyberstalking.
  • 42 U.S.C. 1983 (Civil action for deprivation of rights), § 1985 (Conspiracy to interfere with civil rights): Prohibits two or more persons from conspiring to use “force, intimidation, or threat” to:
    • prevent a person from “discharging any duties” related to administering a federal election; or
    • deprive a person of equal protection, hinder state officials in securing equal protection for others, or prevent voters from engaging in lawful activity related to voting in federal elections.
  • 52 U.S.C. § 20511** (Criminal penalties): Provides criminal penalties for any person, including an election official, who “knowingly and willfully intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any person for . . . urging or aiding any person” in voting or registering to vote in a federal election.
  • 52 U.S.C. § 10307 (Prohibited acts): Prohibits a person acting under the color of law or otherwise from intimidating, threatening, or coercing any person “for urging or aiding any person to vote or attempt to vote” or for enforcing the right to vote.

U.S. Mail

  • 18 U.S.C. § 1708 (Theft or receipt of stolen mail matter generally): Prohibits theft of U.S. mail.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 1341 (Frauds and swindles): Prohibits using the mail for fraud.
  • 39 U.S.C. § 3018 (Hazardous material): Prohibits sending hazardous materials through the mail.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 3061 (Investigative powers of Postal Service personnel): Authorizes USPIS officials to make arrests, including warrantless arrests under certain circumstances, and to seize property as provided by law.

* Case law may exist that provides further insight into how these statutes should be interpreted and applied beyond the scope of this handbook. Anyone considering how any particular statute may be applied should consult with counsel.

** Only applicable to federal elections.

Overview of Key Federal Entities and Their Election-Related Roles and Responsibilities

Department of Defense

The Department of Defense (DOD) is an executive cabinet–level department “responsible for providing the military forces needed to deter war and protect the security of our country.” Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth was nominated by President Donald Trump and confirmed by the Senate in January 2025.

DOD plays an important role in military and overseas voter access. The Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA) gives a “presidential designee” primary responsibility for the “federal functions” required under the act. In 1998, President Ronald Reagan designated the secretary of defense as the presidential designee in Executive Order 12642, which also authorized the secretary to delegate UOCAVA responsibilities, authority, and discretion “to any person or persons with the Department of Defense.” DOD Instruction 1000.04 delegates these responsibilities to the undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness, a role currently held by Anthony J. Tata.

The DOD’s Federal Voting Assistance Program (FVAP) “administers the federal responsibilities of the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act.” Scott Wiedmann is the director of FVAP.

 

FVAP recently made a change to the services it offers to UOCAVA voters: As of August 1, 2025, FVAP will no longer fax overseas voters’ election materials to county election officials, and UOCAVA voters may no longer send their voting materials to FVAP via email.

In the past, DOD entities have also helped to counter foreign threats to U.S. elections. For example, in 2022, the National Guard provided election cybersecurity support to several states.

Department of Homeland Security

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) is an executive cabinet–level department that “works to improve the security of the United States.” DHS’s work includes customs, border, and immigration enforcement; emergency response to natural and man-made disasters; antiterrorism efforts; and cybersecurity. DHS Secretary Markwayne Mullin was nominated by President Trump and confirmed by the Senate in March 2026.

DHS has played a supportive role in election security since 2017, when the DHS secretary designated election infrastructure — including voter registration databases and associated IT systems, voting systems, and polling locations — as critical infrastructure (CI).

Importantly, this designation “does nothing to change the role state and local governments have in administering and running elections.” Moreover, as the Congressional Research Service explained, the CI designation does not did not establish DHS regulatory authority over elections. Rather, it simply enables DHS to provide “assistance to election jurisdictions only on a voluntary basis,” affording election officials “greater access to DHS information and security resources.”

DHS’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) is the department’s lead for providing election security support and services to state and local election officials under this designation. CISA Director Sean Plankey was nominated by President Trump and confirmed by the Senate Homeland Security Committee in July 2025 advanced his nomination.

 

Department of Justice

The Department of Justice (DOJ) is an executive cabinet–level department charged with “enforc[ing] federal laws.” President Trump appointed Todd Blanche to serve as attorney general in June 2026. The Senate confirmed Blanche as head of the DOJ in August.

 

United States Postal Inspection Service

The U.S. Postal Inspection Service (USPIS) is the law enforcement arm of the United States Postal Service (USPS). USPIS “enforces over 200 federal statutes related to crimes that involve the postal system, its employees, and its customers.” It is “responsible for ensuring the safety of all mail, including Election Mail.” The chief postal inspector is appointed by the postmaster general, in consultation with USPS’s board of governors, to oversee all operations of the Postal Inspection Service. The chief postal inspector reports to the postmaster general. Current Chief Postal Inspector Gary Barksdale was appointed to the position in 2019.

Postal inspectors (PIs) are sworn federal agents, specially chosen and trained to ensure that laws are enforced, crimes are prevented, and the nation’s election mail is securely delivered. Certain PIs, designated as election crime coordinators (ECCs), “coordinate closely with the Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, USPS Office of the Inspector General, and local and state law enforcement” as needed.

 

United States Postal Service

The U.S. Postal Service is “an independent establishment of the executive branch” overseen by a bipartisan board of governors. Nine of the board’s eleven members (or governors) are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate to serve staggered seven-year terms; the remaining two are the postmaster general and deputy postmaster general, who have no set terms. The board appoints the postmaster general; the deputy postmaster general is selected by the board and the postmaster general. The current board of governors chair is Amber McReynolds, who also chairs the board’s election mail committee and serves on its operations committee.

The Postal Service plays a vital role in election administration: processing, transporting, and delivering the nation’s election mail safely, securely, and on time. The term election mail includes “any item mailed to or from authorized election officials that enables citizens to participate in the voting process — including ballots, voter registration cards, absentee voting applications and polling place notifications.”

The Postal Service has specific policies and procedures on the proper acceptance, processing, delivery, and documentation of election mail. In 2022, USPS formed a permanent, full-time election and government mail services team to formalize and centralize proven strategies, processes, and procedures. The Postal Service now operates a year-round education and compliance program to ensure that employees are fully trained and applying “all policies and procedures to properly handle mail-in ballots and other Election Mail.” In 2024, the Postal Bulletin published a comprehensive guide to these policies and procedures, which includes explanations about how the official election mail logo and other identifiers help USPS to monitor, track, and prioritize delivery of election mail.

According to the Postal Service’s 2024 postelection analysis report, USPS successfully processed, transported, and delivered 99.88 percent of ballots from voters to election officials within seven days, and 99.64 percent within five days. On average, it took one day for the Postal Service to deliver ballots from voters back to local election boards.

Congress

Congress’s election-related roles and responsibilities are established in the U.S. Constitution, which grants only Congress and the states the power to regulate the times, places, and manner of federal elections. However, Congress has delegated certain federal agencies limited roles in elections. For purposes of this handbook, the overview provided in this section is limited to information related to the congressional election observer program. In 2024, Congress enacted the Confirmation of Congressional Observer Access Act (COCOA), which codifies the program, through which congressional staff volunteer and are trained for the purpose of “monitoring key aspects of the election process and collecting information to build a record for the Committee in the case of a contested election.” According to the National Association of Counties (NACo), Congress has utilized this program since 2006, though Congress says the program has existed “for decades.”

Congress asserts that the Qualifications Clause, holding that each house “shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members” (U.S. Const. art. I, § 5, cl. 1), and the Elections Clause, granting state legislatures authority over “the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives” but giving Congress the right to “at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations” (U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1), grant it the authority for this program.

Shortly after COCOA’s passage, Committee on House Administration chair Bryan Steil (R-WI) and ranking minority member Joseph Morelle (D-NY) sent NACo a letter outlining the program and its purpose. The letter acknowledged that “states have the important responsibility of administering . . . federal elections” and that congressional observers “play no role in the administration of the election or the vote counting process; they are to function exclusively as an observer.” It also stated that congressional observers “are to be provided ‘full access to clearly observe all elements of election administration procedures’ throughout the election process . . . even if state law credentialing, partisan quota, or access requirements exist to the contrary,” noting that “the House’s constitutional and statutory authority in this area supersedes state law.”

Minnesota State Law: Summary of Key Provisions*

Core Election Interference Provisions

  • Minn. Stat. § 211B.076: Prohibits the following as gross misdemeanors:
    • directly or indirectly using or threatening to use force, violence, or damage against another to influence an election official’s performance of an election duty;
    • interfering with or preventing an election official’s performance of an election duty;
    • disseminating personal information about an election official or their family if public availability of that information poses an “imminent and serious” threat to their safety;
    • physically obstructing an election official’s access to or egress from any place where they perform an election duty;
    • tampering with or accessing voting systems, election materials, or equipment without authorization;
    • publishing passwords or other confidential information relating to an electronic voting system;
    • unauthorized tampering with or opening of a ballot box, including a drop box; and
    • conspiring to interfere with elections.
  • Minn. Stat. § 204C.06(1)–(4): Prohibits anyone other than an election official, a voter or registrant, or a person conducting exit polling from being within 100 feet of a polling place; and also prohibits the following:
    • unlawfully interfering with a voter going to or from a polling place to vote;
    • remaining inside a polling longer than necessary to vote or register to vote without lawful authority;
    • unless lawfully authorized, being within 6 feet of a voting booth, ballot counter, or election voting equipment except when voting;
    • intentionally damaging or removing voter instruction posters, supplies, or conveniences placed in voting booths for voters’ use, and makes such conduct a misdemeanor; and
    • intentionally damaging, removing, or adding to ballots, election files, or election registers, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • Minn. Stat. § 211B.075: Prohibits intimidating voters; hindering or interfering with the voting or registration process; using or threatening the use of force, duress, deceptive practices, or restraint to impact a person’s vote or ability to vote; or conspiring to take any such action; and makes such conduct a gross misdemeanor.
  • Minn. Stat. § 211B.13: Prohibits inducing a voter to refrain from voting or to vote in a particular way by bribery, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • Minn. Stat. § 206.66: Prohibits intentionally injuring and attempting to injure or render ineffectual any component of an electronic voting system, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • Minn. Stat. § 211B.11: Prohibits the following conduct and makes violations subject to criminal penalty:
    • displaying campaign material, posting signs, or asking, soliciting, or otherwise trying to induce or persuade a voter to vote for or refrain from voting for a candidate or ballot question within a polling place, within 100 feet of the building where a polling place is located, or anywhere on public property where a polling place is located on the day of a primary or general election;
    • providing or wearing political badges, buttons, or other political insignia at or about the polling place; and
    • asking, soliciting, or trying to persuade a voter to vote or refrain from voting for a candidate or ballot question while transporting a voter to or from a polling place.
  • Minn. Stat. § 203B.082: Prohibits electioneering as described in Minn. Stat. § 211B.11 at ballot drop boxes.
  • Minn. Stat. § 624.72: Prohibits interfering with “the lawful right of another to the free access to or egress from” any building or property owned by or in control of the state or any of its political subdivisions, or with “the transaction of public business therein,” and makes such conduct a felony.
  • Minn. Stat. § 204B.40: Prohibits tampering with or defacing voted ballots.
  • Minn. Stat. § 206.845: Prohibits unauthorized access to ballot recording and tabulating systems, including creating or disclosing an electronic image of the hard drive of any vote recording or tabulating system or any other component.
  • Minn. Stat. § 624.7181: Prohibits carrying rifles, shotguns, and BB guns in public places, and makes such conduct a gross misdemeanor.
  • Minn. Stat. § 609.66: Prohibits the following:
    • possessing a firearm on school property, within a courthouse complex, or in any state building within the Capitol area as defined in Stat. § 15B.02, and makes such conduct a felony. Licensed peace officers (defined as state or local law enforcement officers with arresting authority) and on duty military personnel are exempt from these prohibitions when they are performing official duties.
    • recklessly handling or intentionally pointing a dangerous weapon, whether loaded or unloaded, at or toward another person, and makes such conduct a misdemeanor.
  • Minn. Stat. § 624.714: Prohibits carrying a pistol without a permit, and makes such conduct a gross misdemeanor.
  • Minn. Stat. § 211B.075: Prohibits intimidating voters, hindering or interfering with the voting or registration process, using or threatening the use of force, duress, deceptive practices, or restraint to impact a person’s vote or ability to vote, or conspiring to take any such action, and makes such conduct .
  • Minn. Stat. § 211B.07: Prohibits directly or indirectly using or threatening force, violence, restraint, damage, loss, or undue influence against an individual to compel them to vote for or against a candidate or ballot question, and makes such conduct a gross misdemeanor.

Law Enforcement or Security Services at Voting Facilities

  • Minn. Stat. § 204C.06: Prohibits a peace officer from entering or remaining in a polling place or standing within 50 feet of one unless summoned by an election judge to restore peace or when voting.

Election Material Maintenance, Access, and Retention

Various Minnesota laws, including Minn. Stat. § 204B.40, require elections officials to keep and preserve election records for certain periods of time. The Minnesota secretary of state’s office publishes a County Elections Administration Guide with a list of election-related retention requirements, including schedules to assist state and local government agencies in maintaining and disposing of records in compliance with legal requirements. The table below lists key records retention requirements.

  • Minn. Stat. § 201.091: Prohibits voter lists made available for public inspection or purchase, or in response to a law enforcement inquiry, from including a voter’s date of birth or any part of a voter’s Social Security number, driver’s license number, identification card number, military identification card number, or passport number.

Election Observers

  • Minn. Stat. § 204C.07(1): Allows major political parties to appoint challengers of voters in a partisan election at the polling place for each precinct; and sets a limit of one challenger from each major political party in each precinct’s polling place at one time.
  • Minn. Stat. § 204C.07(2): Allows each nonpartisan candidate to appoint challengers of voters in a nonpartisan election at the polling place for each precinct; and sets a limit of one challenger for each candidate in each precinct’s polling place at one time.
  • Minn. Stat. § 204C.07(4): Prohibits challengers from talking to voters, attempting to influence voters, or handling or inspecting registration cards, files, or lists; and makes such conduct a gross misdemeanor.

Emergency Powers

  • Minn. Stat. § 12.32: Authorizes the governor to suspend rules and ordinances of any agency or political subdivision for the duration of the emergency and grants those suspensions the full force and effect of law.
  • Minn. Stat. § 204B.175(2): Requires local election officials to procure a nearby polling place if they determine that an emergency has occurred or is imminent.
  • Minn. Stat. § 204B.47: Requires the secretary of state to adopt alternative election procedures if a state or federal court issues an order that prevents implementation of a provision of Minnesota’s election law.

Definitions

* Case law may exist that provides further insight into how these statutes should be interpreted and applied beyond the scope of this handbook. Anyone considering how any particular statute may be applied should consult with counsel.

Overview of State Entities

Governor of Minnesota

The governor of Minnesota serves as the state’s chief executive officer (Minn. Const. art. V). Gov. Tim Walz took office in 2019 and is currently serving his second four-year term.

Under the Emergency Management Act of 2022 (Minn. Stat. § 12.31), the governor has the power to declare a state of peacetime emergency when certain events — including but not limited to technological failures or malfunctions, cyberattacks, or civil disturbances — “endanger[] life and property and local government resources are inadequate to handle the situation.” Once a peacetime emergency is declared, the governor is authorized to implement the relevant portions of the state emergency operations plan, which may include issuing, amending, and rescinding orders and rules necessary to address the emergency (Minn. Stat. § 12.21(3)(1)).

On March 13, 2020, Governor Walz declared a peacetime emergency in response to the Covid-19 pandemic, during which he issued multiple emergency executive orders. One such order, Emergency Executive Order 20–33, cited Minn. Stat. § 12.21 in stating that the governor’s emergency powers include the authority to take “direction or control of . . . the conduct of persons in the state, including entrance or exit from any stricken or threatened public place, occupancy of facilities, and . . . public meetings or gatherings.” The order exempted voters, election support services, and election administration workers from stay-at-home requirements and encouraged voters to vote absentee. In litigation challenging the governor’s authority to declare a peacetime emergency in response to the pandemic, the Minnesota Supreme Court held that Minn. Stat. § 12.31 authorized the declaration and did not unconstitutionally delegate legislative authority, noting that “the breadth of authority granted to the Governor under the Act is great.”

The governor also serves as commander in chief of the state’s military and naval forces and “may call them out to execute the laws, suppress insurrection and repel invasion” (Minn. Const. art. V, § 3). Minnesota’s military forces includes the National Guard, the State Guard, and “any other organizations or components of the organized militia as may be authorized by state or federal law” (Minn. Stat. § 190.05). As commander in chief, the governor may employ the military forces “for the defense or relief of the state or another other state . . . and the protection of persons and property” (Minn Stat. § 190.02).

Secretary of State

First elected to the position in 2014, Steve Simon is currently in his third term as Minnesota’s secretary of state. The office of the secretary of state is established by the Minnesota Constitution (art. V § 1) and detailed in Minn. Stat. ch. 5.

The secretary of state is Minnesota’s chief election official. The secretary of state’s office is responsible for administering the provisions of Minnesota election law, including operating the statewide voter registration system; preparing the official roster of voters for each election; informing the public about election administration, military and overseas voting, absentee voting, polling place locations, and elections results; certifying voting systems; conducting administrative recounts; accepting candidate filings for federal and state offices; training local election officials; and creating training materials for election judges (Minn. Stat. §§ 200–12).

The secretary of state oversees the conduct of federal and state elections in coordination with county auditors and municipal clerks, who administer elections at the local level (Minn. Stat. § 204B.28). The secretary of state’s office periodically publishes guides to assist election administrators. Recent examples include:

Minnesota law also empowers the secretary of state to promulgate election-related regulations as long as they are “consistent with state and federal elections laws” (Minn. Stat. § 201.221). Select examples of regulations include:

However, the secretary of state does not hold emergency powers regarding elections. During the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals held that the secretary could not enter into a consent decree to allow ballots postmarked by Election Day to be received thereafter; the court found that public health concerns do not give the secretary of state the authority to alter an election deadline that is prescribed in the election code.

County Auditors

In Minnesota, county auditors serve as the chief local election administrators in most counties. They are responsible for administering voter registration and absentee voting, training election judges, receiving ballots, and overseeing the conduct of state and federal elections in coordination with municipal clerks and the secretary of state (Minn. Stat. §§ 201.061, 203B.121, 204B.25, 204C.28). County auditors also serve as the chief registrars of voters, sit on county canvassing boards, and transmit certified canvass reports to the secretary of state (Minn. Stat. §§ 201.021, 204C.31–33).

Most county auditors are elected to four-year terms, though counties may convert the office to an appointed position through a statutory process, and the county auditor in Hennepin County, Minnesota’s largest county, is appointed by the county board of commissioners (Minn. Stat. §§ 382.01, 375A.10, 375A.1205, 383B.025).

Elected county auditors may be removed through a voter-initiated removal process based on malfeasance or nonfeasance; appointed auditors may be subject to different statutory protections depending on how the office was converted or filled (Minn. Stat. §§ 351.14–23, 375A.1205). Minnesota law permits county auditors to delegate election duties to municipal clerks (Minn. Stat. § 203B.05)

Election Judges

Election judges are election workers trained to “handle all aspects of voting at the polling place,” including setting up, assisting voters, enforcing rules of conduct, and closing the polling place. The Election Judge Guide published by the Minnesota secretary of state’s office offers a detailed description of the roles and responsibilities of election judges.

Under state law, election judges are responsible for carrying out key polling place procedures, including posting required voter notices and sample ballots and opening, locking, and maintaining public view of the ballot box during voting (Minn. Stat. § 204C.08). They are also responsible for securing election materials until voting begins and preserving those materials until they are “returned to the appropriate election officials after the voting has ended” (Minn. Stat. § 204B.29).

Minn. Stat. § 204C.06 permits election judges to appoint a sergeant-at-arms when necessary to keep the peace or otherwise assist them. The same statute authorizes election judges to request that a sergeant-at-arms or peace officer arrest or remove from the polling place “any individual who, despite a warning to desist, engages in disorderly conduct” (Minn. Stat. § 204C.06(5)).

Election judge appointments are generally made from major party lists of eligible voters residing within a precinct, but the appointing authority may appoint other qualified individuals if no lists are furnished or if additional election judges are needed after the listed names are exhausted (Minn. Stat. § 204B.21). No more than half of the judges in a precinct or ballot-counting location may be members of the same major political party unless the board has an odd number of judges (Minn. Stat. § 204B.19).

County auditors may remove election judges for neglect of duty, malfeasance, misconduct in office, or other cause (Minn. Stat. § 204B.26).

Minnesota National Guard

Major General Shawn P. Manke serves as the adjutant general of the Minnesota National Guard, a position he has held since being appointed by Governor Walz in August 2020. Adjutants general in Minnesota are appointed by the governor to serve a single seven-year term (Minn. Stat. § 190.07). Minnesota law does not give the governor unilateral authority to remove the adjutant general; rather, removal is permitted only upon withdrawal of federal recognition or through disciplinary procedures established by Minnesota’s military laws.

The adjutant general is the executive officer of the Minnesota Department of Military Affairs, the state agency that oversees and supports the state’s military forces, including the Army National Guard, the Air National Guard, and, when organized, the State Guard.

Under certain circumstances, Title 10 of the U.S. Code allows the president to “call into Federal service members and units of the National Guard of any State” (10 U.S.C. § 12406). Once lawfully called by the president (i.e., “activated for federal service under Title 10 authority,” or federalized), National Guard members “are in an equivalent active-duty status as their active component counterparts”; the chain of command “runs from the President to the Secretary of Defense; and from the Secretary of Defense to the commander of the combatant command.”

Federal courts recently addressed the limits on the president’s authority to federalize the national guard under 10 U.S.C. § 12406, which permits federalization when (among other circumstances) “the president is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.” In October 2025, President Trump invoked Title 10 to federalize approximately 300 members of the Illinois National Guard in the Chicago area. After an additional 400 members of the Texas National Guard were slated for deployment in the area, Illinois Attorney General Kwame Raoul sued to halt the deployment.

In December 2025, the Supreme Court, by a vote of 6–3, a request from the Trump administration to put the temporary restraining order issued by a lower court judge on hold while litigation continued. The majority held that the president may federalize National Guard forces under 10 U.S.C. § 12406 only in situations where he has legal authority to deploy active-duty troops and has determined that active-duty troops are insufficient. The majority concluded that, “[a]t this preliminary stage, the government has failed to identify a source of authority that would allow the military to execute the laws in Illinois,” given that President Trump had not invoked the Insurrection Act and the government did not cite an applicable constitutional authority. Shortly after this ruling, , as well as in Los Angeles and Portland, Oregon.

Questions and Scenarios to Consider

This section offers a list of scenarios that involve federal officials and election administration. As this handbook does not provide legal advice, these scenarios may result in questions that are outside the scope of this document and should be addressed to an attorney.

Federal Presence

Federal officials — including armed, uniformed federal law enforcement officers or military personnel — could appear at in-person voting locations, drop boxes, or election offices under various circumstances. Regardless of the reason, their appearance may cause concern or confusion. Federal presence in election settings has historically been rare and is subject to both federal and state limitations. Nevertheless, reviewing the applicable laws and regulations will help you to prepare and respond appropriately, if necessary.

Scenario: Federal officials arrive at an in-person voting location, ballot drop box, or election office to vote or while conducting official business

Summary

Federal and state laws may restrict armed federal personnel at in-person voting locations, ballot drop boxes, and election offices. Minnesota law prohibits firearms in some public settings that may serve as polling locations. Even where firearm possession is permitted, federal and state laws prohibit interference with election administration and intimidation of voters. Additional jurisdictional questions may arise when these sites are located on federal property, including within federal buildings.

Discussion

Federal and state laws protect the voting rights of federal officials and military personnel. 18 U.S.C. § 610 makes it a felony for “any person to intimidate, threaten, command, or coerce, or attempt to intimidate, threaten, command, or coerce, any employee of the Federal Government . . . to engage in, or not to engage in, any political activity, including, but not limited to, voting or refusing to vote for any candidate or measure in any election.” Additionally, Minnesota law holds that individuals, including federal officials, “must be allowed to go to and from the polling place for the purpose of voting without unlawful interference” (Minn. Stat. § 204C.06).

Federal law also prohibits federal officials from deploying “armed men at any place where a general or special election is held” (18 U.S.C. § 592). Although federal law enforcement officials are typically armed while on official business, state law may require certain federal officials to be unarmed when voting at particular locations. Specifically, Minn. Stat. § 624.7181 restricts carrying rifles, shotguns, and BB guns in “public places,” defined as government-owned, leased, or controlled property and private property regularly and frequently open to the public, though the statute excludes certain private premises and locations where firearms can be lawfully possessed, transported, displayed, or used. The provision separately exempts federal law enforcement officers and military personnel “authorized by law to carry firearms and . . . acting in the scope of their official duties” (Minn. Stat. § 624.7181(3)).

Additionally, Minn. Stat. § 624.714 requires a permit to carry a pistol in a public place, whether openly or concealed, but that requirement does not apply to peace officers (as defined by Minn. Stat. § 626.84(1)). Because that definition requires licensure by the Minnesota Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) Board and is limited to state, local, tribal, railroad, and other specified officers, federal officials are unlikely to qualify as peace officers under this exception.

Even so, qualified current and retired law enforcement officers, including federal officials, may have separate authority under the Law Enforcement Officers Safety Act (LEOSA) to carry concealed firearms notwithstanding certain state or local restrictions (18 U.S.C. §§ 926B, 926C). Notably, however, LEOSA does not supersede state laws restricting firearms on “any State or local government property, installation, building, base, or park” (18 U.S.C. §§ 926B(b)(2), 926C(b)(2)). One such law is Minn. Stat. § 609.66, which restricts possession of dangerous weapons at several locations that may serve as polling places — including school property, courthouse complexes, and state buildings within the Capitol area — subject to statutory exceptions. For school property, those exceptions include “active licensed peace officers” and military personnel or students participating in military training who are on duty and performing official duties (Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1d)(f)(1)–(2)). For courthouse complexes and covered state buildings, exceptions include licensed peace officers and military personnel performing official duties (Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1g)(b)(1)).

Although Minn. Stat. § 609.66 does not define a “licensed peace officer,” Minn. Stat. § 626.84 defines a “peace officer” as a position (either an employee or elected or appointed official of a political subdivision or law enforcement agency) requiring licensure by the POST Board. Because federal officials are not licensed peace officers under Minnesota law, they are unlikely to qualify for the Section 609.66 exemptions noted above. However, armed federal officials may qualify for other exemptions — such as Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1g)(b)(4), which allows “persons” with the county sheriff’s or public safety commissioner’s express consent to possess dangerous weapons in courthouses or state buildings, respectively.

Minnesota law also gives federal law enforcement officers certain authorities akin to those of peace officers in limited circumstances, including when acting within the scope of a special purpose task force (Minn. Stat. § 626.8453) or when acting on a request for assistance from and under the direction of a Minnesota peace officer (Minn. Stat. § 626.77).

If in-person voting locations or drop boxes are located on federal property (including military installations) or in federal buildings, then jurisdictional issues may arise. Election officials may have less legal authority to mitigate potential concerns about federal presence at such sites than at other locations. In that setting, 18 U.S.C. § 930(a) — which prohibits carrying firearms in a federal facility (other than a federal court facility) — typically applies. However, this prohibition does not apply to federal officials, employees, and agents or to state and local law enforcement officers while undertaking “the lawful performance of official duties” (18 U.S.C. § 930(d)(1)).

Separately, federal and state laws prohibit intimidating voters, hindering or interfering with the voting process, or using or threatening the use of force, duress, fraud, or restraint to influence a person’s vote (18 U.S.C. §§ 595, 598; Minn. Stat. § 211B.075; Minn. Stat. § 211B.07; see also Election Interference or Disruption below). Minnesota law also targets those who attempt to interfere with election administration, including by intimidating or threatening election officials: Minn. Stat. § 211B.076 prohibits interfering with or preventing an election official’s performance of an election duty, intimidating or threatening an election official in an attempt to influence their performance of an election duty, and obstructing an election official’s access to or egress from any place where they perform election duties.

Additionally, Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1)(a)(1)–(2) prohibits recklessly handling or using a gun to endanger the safety of another or intentionally pointing a gun, whether loaded or unloaded, toward another, respectively. The provision does not contain any exemptions. And Minn. Stat. § 624.72 prohibits interfering with another person’s lawful free access to or egress from public buildings or property, or with “the transaction of public business therein.”

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Review current policies that address access to in-person voting locations and speak with other election officials in your state about their policies.
  • Discuss your office’s policies with your counsel and law enforcement, including any relevant past concerns, challenges, or special considerations in your jurisdiction. Here is a guide for working with law enforcement to help keep elections, voters, and election infrastructure safe and secure.
  • Update policies as necessary. Discuss these policies with local law enforcement and with relevant stakeholders as appropriate, including federal government employee groups, local voting rights groups and other community groups, local military liaisons, and state officials.
  • Incorporate these policies into your training materials and other relevant documents.
  • Publish, post, and otherwise distribute these policies before and during in-person voting. Consider working with community groups, military and veterans’ groups, and federal officials in your area to help distribute this information.
  • To safeguard in-person voting locations, ballot drop boxes, election offices, and other election facilities:
    • Consult with your counsel about the possibility of federal officials being deployed to in-person voting locations, ballot drop boxes, election offices, or other election facilities.
    • Consider posting signage, where appropriate, regarding weapons prohibitions at in-person voting locations, ballot drop boxes, election offices, or other election facilities. The Center for Civic Design offers a guide with customizable gun safety signage templates.
    • Provide or cite state statutes that prohibit voter intimidation and carrying firearms when responding to concerns about armed federal officials at or near in-person voting locations, ballot drop boxes, election offices, or other election facilities.
  • To safeguard federal property locations:
    • Review in-person voting locations and drop box sites to determine whether any are located on federal property, including within federal buildings, and discuss the resulting list with your counsel to identify any special considerations that apply to these locations.
    • Meet with relevant federal officials in advance to discuss potential jurisdictional issues and agree on the rules and procedures that will apply during in-person voting. Formalize agreements as appropriate.
  • Contact your counsel and notify other election officials in your state of challenges that arise during voting or election processes.

Scenario: Federal officials arrive at an in-person voting location to observe or monitor an election

Summary

Both the Department of Justice (DOJ) and Congress may deploy election observers or monitors. Federal and state laws prohibit interfering with election administration and intimidating voters. The application of these state law restrictions to federally authorized observers or monitors may be limited to the extent they are preempted by federal law.

Discussion

The DOJ may deploy federal employees to in-person voting locations. These federal officials are generally categorized as either federal observers or federal monitors. Congress has a separate program that may deploy congressional observers to in-person voting locations or election offices.

Federal observers. The DOJ has clear authority to deploy federal observers to locations “where there is a court order under Section 3(a) of the Voting Rights Act authorizing their presence.” Currently, the only jurisdictions that meet this requirement are in Louisiana (St. Landry Parish), New Jersey (Union County), and Rhode Island (city of Pawtucket). It is your responsibility to know whether a relevant court order is in place in your jurisdiction. Absent a court order, the DOJ lacks clear authority to deploy federal observers inside in-person voting locations.

Federal monitors. For many years, the DOJ has deployed federal monitors “to in elections in communities across the country.” In November 2024, for example, the department deployed monitors to voting locations in 27 states, including Minnesota. And in November 2020, the DOJ deployed monitors to jurisdictions in 18 states, including Minneapolis. The DOJ announced in July 2026 that it would send election monitors to 15 jurisdictions across Arizona, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire and Virginia during upcoming primary elections.

The DOJ monitors “both federal and non-federal elections,” but it has usually limited federal monitor deployments to Election Day. Deployed federal monitors have included DOJ attorneys and other department personnel. Federal election monitoring by the DOJ is typically coordinated by the Civil Rights Division, which informs the relevant election officials of any plans to send federal monitors and “maintain[s] contact with state and local election officials.”

Whether these monitors can be stationed inside a particular polling location has been decided by negotiation and, on occasion, by litigation. According to a 2018 report by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, the DOJ can “send its own staff to monitor elections, but they can only enter the polls if they have permission from the local jurisdiction.” When permission has not been granted or is in question, some state election officials (including Missouri’s secretary of state and Texas’s attorney general) have requested court orders barring federal monitors inside polling locations after learning that jurisdictions in their states had been selected for federal monitoring. In Texas — which unlike St. Louis County had no prior settlement agreement with the DOJ authorizing federal monitoring — the department agreed to station observers outside polling locations.

Congressional observers. For “decades,” Congress has deployed election observers “to watch the administration of congressional elections in the states.” In 2024, it codified this practice by enacting the Confirmation of Congressional Observers Act (52 U.S.C. § 21083a), and published guidance on the congressional Election Observer Program. COCOA expressly authorizes Congress to send observers to “polling locations, any location where processing, scanning, tabulating, canvassing, recounting, auditing, or certifying voting results is occurring, or any other part of the process associated with elections for Federal office” (52 U.S.C. § 21083a(a)). The statute also establishes “specific guidelines for conduct and interactions between observers and election staff” and places restrictions on congressional election observers, including prohibitions against handling ballots or voting equipment.

COCOA states that the Qualifications Clause, holding that each house “shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members” (U.S. Const. art. I, § 5, cl. 1), and the Elections Clause, granting state legislatures authority over “the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives” but giving Congress the right to “at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations” (U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1), grant Congress the authority for the program. The act explains that under this authority, “regardless of legislative action, Congress has the authority to send congressional election observers.”

Shortly after COCOA’s passage, House Administration Committee chair Bryan Steil (R-WI) and ranking member Joseph Morelle (D-NY) sent a letter to the National Association of Counties outlining the congressional election observer program and the new legislation. While acknowledging that “states have the important responsibility of administering our federal elections,” the letter emphasized Congress’s “duty to ‘Judge the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members,’” and stated that “the House’s constitutional and statutory authority in this area supersedes state law.” More specifically, it stated that congressional observers “are to be provided ‘full access to clearly observe all elements of election administration procedures’ throughout the election process . . . even if state law credentialing, partisan quota, or access requirements exist to the contrary.”

In the past, program outreach to election officials in jurisdictions selected for congressional observation has been inconsistent. This has likely contributed to confusion that has resulted when congressional observers arrive with “credentials” that are issued by congressional committees but do not comport with state law — which often requires written authorization from a state or local political party or campaign official. On at least one occasion, after a congressional observer failed to provide credentials required under state law (but did provide a copy of a letter on Committee on House Administration letterhead), a member of Congress publicly accused local election officials of “blocking entrance of Official House Election Observers.”

Importantly, COCOA also specifies that state and local election officials can lawfully remove congressional election observers when “a reasonable basis to believe that the designated congressional election observer has engaged in or imminently will engage in intimidation or deceptive practices prohibited by Federal law” exists.

Restrictions against interference. Federal and state laws prohibit federal officials from interfering or attempting to interfere in an election. 18 U.S.C. § 595 prohibits government employees from using official authority in connection with federally financed activity to interfere in a federal election. 18 U.S.C. § 598 prohibits the use of congressional appropriations “for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing” any individual in the exercise of their right to vote.

As for state law, Minn. Stat. § 211B.076 prohibits interfering with or preventing an election official’s performance of an election duty, intimidating or threatening an election official in an attempt to influence their performance of an election duty, and obstructing an election official’s access to or egress from any place where the official performs election duties. Minn. Stat. § 624.72 prohibits interfering with another person’s lawful free access to or egress from public buildings or property, or with “the transaction of public business therein.”

Moreover, Minnesota law protects voters against intimidation. Minn. Stat. § 211B.075(2) prohibits, whether directly or indirectly, using force, coercion, violence, restraint, damage, harm, or employment-related action against a person seeking to vote or register to vote.

On top of these prohibitions, Minnesota law imposes certain restrictions on challengers, including conversing with a voter; handling or inspecting registration cards, files, or lists; preparing lists about voter participation; or attempting to influence voting in any manner (Minn. Stat. § 204C.07(4)).

The application of state law requirements to federally authorized observers or monitors may be limited to the extent they are preempted by federal law. Contact your counsel to assess whether and to what extent these requirements may apply to federally authorized observers or monitors in your jurisdiction.

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Review relevant federal and state laws governing federal observers, federal monitors, congressional observers, and other observers and challengers.
  • Ask for a list of the names of the federal monitors or congressional election observers that are being deployed to your jurisdiction.
  • Speak with other local election officials (including those in other states) whose jurisdictions have been selected by the DOJ or Congress for observation or monitoring.
  • Discuss the possibility of congressional and DOJ election observers or monitors with your counsel. Discuss appropriate responses and policies, including whether any of the state law requirements discussed above may be limited by federal law, and communicate them with your staff.
  • Develop a public communications plan in case a federal observer or monitor is denied access, including procedures for responding to media, voters, and other stakeholders.
  • If your office is contacted by the DOJ or Congress about observers or monitors, consider the following actions:
    • Contact your counsel. Inform local and state election official colleagues.
  • Ask for a list of the names of monitors or observers being deployed to your jurisdiction.
  • Identify other jurisdictions that have been selected for observation or monitoring. Communicate challenges and successes.
  • Connect your counsel with similarly situated local election officials’ counsel.
  • Contact your congressional representative or senator.

Election Interference or Disruption

Attempts to interfere with the administration of safe and secure elections can take many forms, including unlawful attempts to seize election materials and voter intimidation. Federal and state laws strictly prohibit federal interference in elections. Historically, federal efforts to interfere in elections have been exceptionally rare. However, reviewing the applicable laws and regulations will help you to prepare and respond appropriately, if necessary.

Scenario: Law enforcement officials (or others) demand access to or attempt to seize voter data, election materials, or election equipment

Summary

State and local election officials are the custodians of election records and equipment. They operate within a complex legal framework that includes state statutes, federal law, and constitutional boundaries. Responding to requests for access, subpoenas, orders, and other demands for custody of election-related materials or equipment with clarity and consistency requires careful attention to those rules, and to the roles that different levels of government play in election administration.

Discussion

Under the U.S. Constitution, both states and Congress have responsibilities related to elections. Though Congress may set rules for federal elections, in practice, states manage voter registration, voting systems, and the broader infrastructure of election administration. No federal agency has blanket authority to intervene in or access election systems without legal process or specific statutory authorization. All requests — from any requestor — must respect the constitutional and statutory framework that preserves state and local control.

Federal law designates election officials as the custodians of “all records and papers which come into [their] possession relating to any application, registration, payment of poll tax, or other act requisite to voting,” requiring them to “preserve and maintain” these records for 22 months (52 U.S.C. § 20701). The Department of Justice (DOJ) that election-related records must remain under election officials’ supervision, thereby limiting conditions under which others may be granted access.

Federal and state laws may limit the information that local Minnesota election officials are required to or prohibited from providing to federal officials. For example, 52 U.S.C. § 20703 requires custodians to make election records “available for inspection, reproduction, and copying at the principal office of such custodian” only if the attorney general makes a demand “in writing . . . [that includes] a statement of the basis and the purpose therefor.” And while state law makes registration records available for public inspection, it prohibits disclosure of “a voter’s date of birth or any part of a voter’s Social Security number, driver’s license number, identification card number, military identification card number, or passport number,” including in response to response to a law enforcement inquiry (Minn. Stat. § 201.091).

In June 2025, the Department of Justice requested Minnesota’s statewide voter registration list, including all private voter data. After Minnesota declined to provide voters’ sensitive information, citing among other reasons prohibitions under state and federal law, the DOJ sued the state. The lawsuit is ongoing — please check with your local counsel on the current status of the litigation.

In several other states, federal officials have also sought access to election-related materials beyond statewide voter registration lists, including voter data, election materials, and election equipment. For example, a DOJ official reportedly requested access to voting machines in two Missouri counties. In Arizona, produced records related to its audit of the 2020 election in Maricopa County in response to an FBI grand jury subpoena. The DOJ has also demanded 2024 ballots and other election materials from Wayne County, Michigan. The FBI has seized materials related to the 2020 federal election from Fulton County, Georgia. And DHS reportedly sought and obtained voter records from at least six Ohio counties; in Franklin County, DHS confirmed that it was investigating possible voter fraud and requested the records of dozens of voters.

Minnesota law imposes specific requirements governing access to and custody and handling of election materials and equipment. Before, during, and after every election, Minn. Stat. § 211B.076 criminally prohibits unauthorized access to or tampering with electronic voting systems, electromechanical voting equipment, election night reporting systems, ballot boxes and drop boxes, the statewide voter registration system, registration lists, and polling place rosters.

Additionally, county auditors must develop chain-of-custody plans for all elections, including plans for the physical and cybersecurity of election-related materials, and file those plans with the secretary of state (Minn. Stat. § 204B.182). County auditors and municipal clerks must secure ballot recording and tabulating systems physically and electronically against unauthorized access, and they may not create or disclose an electronic image of the hard drive of any vote recording or tabulating system or other voting-system component (or allow anyone else to do so) unless authorized by the secretary of state or expressly authorized by law (Minn. Stat. § 206.845). State law also prohibits publishing passwords or other confidential information related to an electronic voting system and aiding, abetting, or conspiring to violate these protections (Minn. Stat. § 211B.076).

During voting, election judges are responsible for preserving election materials until they are returned to the appropriate election officials after voting has ended (Minn. Stat. § 204B.29). State law also restricts who may be present in polling places; prohibits unauthorized individuals from approaching within six feet of voting equipment or booths unless authorized by an election judge; and prohibits intentionally damaging, mutilating, or removing election materials, including ballots, election files, and election registers (Minn. Stat. § 204C.06).

For precincts using electronic voting systems, election judges must secure those systems after polls close, place voted ballot cards and defective ballots in sealed containers, and have two judges of different political parties deliver them immediately to the counting center; at the counting center, only authorized personnel may touch ballot cards, ballot containers, or absentee ballot results (Minn. Stat. § 206.86).

After counting is completed, election judges must seal the ballots and deliver the ballots, summary statements, spoiled ballots, and other required materials to the county auditor, municipal clerk, or school district clerk within the statutory timeframe (Minn. Stat. §§ 204C.25, 204C.27). If election judges fail to deliver returns as required, the appropriate official must dispatch a special messenger to obtain them (Minn. Stat. § 204C.29). State law also makes it a felony to damage election returns or take action to prevent their delivery (Minn. Stat. § 204C.29(3)).

Once ballots and other election materials are returned, county auditors generally must store ballots and election materials in a locked container or other secure, locked space for 22 months (Minn. Stat. § 204B.40). Sealed envelopes containing voted ballots must generally be retained unopened unless opened for a court-authorized or statutory recount or examination, and county auditors must keep ballots and related records in a safe and secure place, maintain the seals unbroken, strictly control access, and maintain accountability and a record of access (Minn. Stat. §§ 204B.40, 204C.28).

The County Elections Administration Guide published by the Minnesota secretary of state details these and other chain-of-custody procedures, along with access controls for voting systems and election materials.

Separately, federal and state laws prohibit anyone, including federal officials, from interfering or attempting to interfere in an election. For example, 18 U.S.C. § 595 prohibits government employees from using official authority in connection with federally financed activity to interfere in a federal election, and 18 U.S.C. § 598 prohibits the use of congressional appropriations “for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing” any individual in the exercise of their right to vote. Additionally, Minn. Stat. § 211B.076 prohibits interfering with or preventing an election official’s performance of an election duty, as well as using intimidation or threats to try to influence an election official.

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Consult with your counsel to review policies and protocols for restrictions on and best practices for managing access to voter data, election materials, and election equipment, along with any recent court rulings addressing law enforcement demands or attempts to obtain such access. Inform your counsel of any relevant past concerns, challenges, or special considerations in your jurisdiction.
  • Consider documenting a procedure plan in consultation with counsel and other election officials if presented with a demand for voter data, election materials, or election equipment.
  • Any response to federal efforts to access or obtain voter data, election materials, or election equipment should be structured in a way that preserves the security of election materials and equipment, protects voter privacy, and avoids unnecessary disruption to voting, canvassing, or certification processes.
  • It is important to note that if federal officials present a warrant signed by a judge, judicially approved warrants generally require prompt compliance, and it may be a crime to resist or interfere with their execution. Nonetheless, you should still concurrently contact your counsel without delay.
  • If access to voter data, election materials, or election equipment is provided in response to a subpoena or warrant, consult with counsel on how to obtain judicial oversight to ensure the security of those records, materials, and systems.
  • Prepare a communications plan to address public concerns, media inquiries, or disinformation about the custody, storage, or security of election materials and equipment, including by explaining applicable legal obligations and safeguards where appropriate.
  • Clearly mark public areas, restricted zones, employee-only spaces, and designated observation points to help manage in-person requests, maintain order, and protect secure environments.
  • When appropriate, consult the Minnesota Association of County Officers, the Minnesota secretary of state’s office, and other trusted and experienced state and local election officials for advice on efficiently fielding similar requests. Sharing information may also help other officials facing similar situations.

Scenario: Armed federal officials or troops are deployed to an election facility

Summary

Deployments of armed federal officials or military personnel to election facilities may implicate federal and state restrictions on armed personnel and firearms. Laws prohibiting voter intimidation and election interference may also apply.

Discussion

On its face, 18 U.S.C. § 592 makes it a felony for federal civil servants to order, bring, keep, or have under their control armed federal law enforcement officials at any polling location unless that location is under armed foreign attack. Given that federal law enforcement officials — including Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents — are usually armed, this prohibition would typically prohibit their deployment to in-person voting locations. Notably, although 18 U.S.C. § 592 was enacted well after the passage of the Insurrection Act, it does not provide an exemption for troops deployed pursuant to the act.

State law restricts carrying rifles, shotguns, and BB guns in “public places,” defined as government-owned, leased, or controlled property and private property regularly and frequently open to the public, though the statute excludes certain private premises and locations where firearms can be lawfully possessed, transported, displayed, or used (Minn. Stat. § 624.7181). The provision separately exempts federal law enforcement officers and military personnel “authorized by law to carry firearms and . . . acting in the scope of their official duties” (Minn. Stat. § 624.7181(3)).

Additionally, Minn. Stat. § 624.714 requires a permit to carry a pistol in a public place, whether openly or concealed, but that requirement does not apply to peace officers (as defined by Minn. Stat. § 626.84(1)). Because that definition requires licensure by the Minnesota Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) Board and is limited to state, local, tribal, railroad, and other specified officers, federal officials are unlikely to qualify as peace officers under this exception.

Even so, qualified current and retired law enforcement officers, including federal officials, may have separate authority under the Law Enforcement Officers Safety Act (LEOSA) to carry concealed firearms notwithstanding certain state or local restrictions (18 U.S.C. §§ 926B, 926C). Notably, however, LEOSA does not supersede state laws restricting firearms on “any State or local government property, installation, building, base, or park” (18 U.S.C. §§ 926B(b)(2), 926C(b)(2)). One such law is Minn. Stat. § 609.66, which restricts possession of dangerous weapons at several locations that may serve as polling places — including school property, courthouse complexes, and state buildings within the Capitol area — subject to statutory exceptions. For school property, those exceptions include “active licensed peace officers” and military personnel or students participating in military training who are on duty and performing official duties (Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1d)(f)(1)–(2)). For courthouse complexes and covered state buildings, exceptions include licensed peace officers and military personnel who are performing official duties (Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1g)(b)(1)).

Although Minn. Stat. § 609.66 does not define a “licensed peace officer,” Minn. Stat. § 626.84 defines a “peace officer” as a position (either an employee or elected or appointed official of a political subdivision or law enforcement agency) requiring licensure by the POST Board. Because federal officials are not licensed peace officers under Minnesota law, they are unlikely to qualify for the Section 609.66 exemptions noted above. However, armed federal officials may qualify for other exemptions — such as Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1g)(b)(4), which allows “persons” with the county sheriff’s or public safety commissioner’s express consent to possess dangerous weapons in courthouses or state buildings, respectively.

Minnesota law also gives federal law enforcement officers certain authorities akin to those of peace officers in limited circumstances, including when acting within the scope of a special purpose task force (Minn. Stat. § 626.8453) or when acting on a request for assistance from and under the direction of a Minnesota peace officer (Minn. Stat. § 626.77).

Additionally, Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1)(a)(1) prohibits recklessly handling or using a gun to endanger the safety of another person, and Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1)(a)(2) prohibits intentionally pointing a gun, whether loaded or unloaded, “at or toward” another person. Neither provision contains any exemptions, and as such they may apply to conduct by armed federal personnel that exceeds lawful authority.

Separately, state and federal laws that prohibit voter intimidation and menacing or obstructing voters also apply. Section 11(b) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (52 U.S.C. § 10307(b)) prohibits anyone from intimidating, threatening, or coercing (or attempting to intimidate, threaten, or coerce) voters or those urging or aiding others to vote — whether or not the intent is to intimidate. Courts have consistently recognized that Section 11(b) creates a private right of action, allowing private plaintiffs (including voters) to obtain relief against voter intimidation. Minnesota law contains a similar prohibition: Minn. Stat. § 211B.075 prohibits an individual from intentionally hindering, interfering with, or preventing another person from voting or registering to vote. The statute also creates a private right of action to “prevent or restrain” the prohibited acts and to recover damages (Minn. Stat. § 211B.075(5)(b)).

Furthermore, Minnesota law prohibits “directly or indirectly” using or threatening “force, coercion, violence, restraint, damage, harm, loss, . . . undue influence, or temporal or spiritual injury” to compel voting behavior, as well as using “abduction, duress, or fraud” to “obstruct or prevent the free exercise of the right to vote” (Minn. Stat. § 211B.07). Additionally, Minn. Stat. § 624.72 prohibits interfering with another person’s lawful free access to or egress from public buildings or property, or with “the transaction of public business therein.”

Finally, state law provides election officials with authority to respond to conduct that may involve voter intimidation or disruption at polling places. Election judges may appoint a sergeant-at-arms when necessary to keep the peace or otherwise assist them, and an election judge may request that a sergeant-at-arms or peace officer arrest or remove from the polling place any individual who, despite a warning to desist, engages in disorderly conduct (Minn. Stat. § 204C.06(5).

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Consult with your counsel about the possibility of armed federal officials or troops being deployed to election facilities.
  • Reach out to entities where voting locations are sited (e.g., schools, community centers, or nursing homes) to discuss their policies regarding access to those engaged in immigration enforcement on site and the applicability of those policies during the voting process.
  • Consider listing prohibitions on firearms, intimidation, deterrence, and obstruction on signage posted at election facilities. Here is a guide with customizable gun safety signage templates.
  • Provide or cite the above-mentioned statutes when responding to concerns about armed federal officials or troops at election facilities.
  • Keep abreast of developments in cases involving deployment of federal troops and evaluate with your counsel to determine whether policy changes are warranted.
  • Contact your counsel if any issues arise.

Scenario: Federal agents are deployed to communities

Summary

Increased and visible deployment of federal agents to communities during the early voting period and on Election Day could have a chilling effect on eligible voters. State and federal voter intimidation laws may apply.

Discussion

Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1)(a)(1) prohibits recklessly handling or using a gun to endanger the safety of another person, and Minn. Stat. § 609.66(1)(a)(2) prohibits intentionally pointing a gun, whether loaded or unloaded, “at or toward” another person. Neither provision contains any exemptions, and as such they may apply to conduct by armed federal personnel that exceeds lawful authority.

Separately, state and federal laws that prohibit voter intimidation and menacing or obstructing voters also apply. Section 11(b) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (52 U.S.C. § 10307(b)) prohibits anyone from intimidating, threatening, or coercing (or attempting to intimidate, threaten, or coerce) voters or those urging or aiding others to vote — whether or not the intent is to intimidate. Courts have consistently recognized that Section 11(b) creates a private right of action, allowing private plaintiffs (including voters) to obtain relief against voter intimidation. Minnesota law contains a similar prohibition: Minn. Stat. § 211B.075 prohibits an individual from intentionally hindering, interfering with, or preventing another person from voting or registering to vote. The statute also creates a private right of action to “prevent or restrain” the prohibited acts and to recover damages (Minn. Stat. § 211B.075(5)(b)).

Furthermore, Minnesota law prohibits “directly or indirectly” using or threatening “force, coercion, violence, restraint, damage, harm, loss, . . . undue influence, or temporal or spiritual injury” to compel voting behavior, as well as using “abduction, duress, or fraud” to “obstruct or prevent the free exercise of the right to vote” (Minn. Stat. § 211B.07). Additionally, Minn. Stat. § 624.72 prohibits interfering with another person’s lawful free access to or egress from any public building or property owned by or in control of the state or any of its political subdivisions, or with “the transaction of public business therein.”

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Reach out to community groups, including immigrants’ rights groups, and local leadership (e.g., the mayor’s office and school superintendent) to understand your role in helping eligible voters in your community feel safe exercising their right to vote.
  • Review any public education materials on this matter with local counsel to ensure accuracy and legality.
  • Contact your counsel if any issues arise.

Scenario: Ongoing shifts in USPS operations may increase delays in mail ballot delivery

Summary

The U.S. Postal Service is responsible for processing, transporting, and delivering the nation’s election mail safely, securely, and on time. Ongoing operational changes may delay delivery of mail ballots.

Discussion

Public confidence in election mail is a crucial component of free and fair U.S. elections. The Postal Service plays a vital role in sustaining that confidence by reliably delivering election mail. Election mail encompasses “any item mailed to or from authorized election officials that enables citizens to participate in the voting process — including ballots, voter registration cards, absentee voting applications and polling place notifications.” Ongoing operational changes in how USPS handles election mail could affect delivery of mail ballots.

One such change is that USPS has consolidated processing into fewer regional facilities, which means that mail in many areas now travels farther to reach a regional processing center. Another change is that mail dropped off at post offices or collection boxes more than 50 miles from a regional hub now may not be collected until the next day. Because mail is postmarked when it reaches a processing facility — not when it is dropped off — these changes may delay postmarking and, in turn, ballot delivery. USPS itself has acknowledged that the gap between mailing and postmarking “has and will become more common” as a result of these changes.

USPS has also issued new requirements that, if implemented, could affect the timing of ballot delivery. In August 2026, the Postal Service issued a final rule to implement an executive order. The rule imposes new design and tracking requirements for ballots mailed during federal general, special, and runoff elections and requires state-specific participation lists containing voter names and associated, individualized barcodes. USPS would use those lists and barcodes to verify outbound ballot mail before accepting it. Litigation over the final rule and underlying executive order remains ongoing, but these requirements are currently blocked for the November 3, 2026, and earlier federal elections. Check with your counsel as to the status of the litigation.

Even if this rule takes effect, USPS’s governance structure may make rapid implementation uncertain. Unlike most executive agencies, which are led by a single presidentially appointed, Senate-confirmed head, USPS is an “independent establishment of the executive branch” overseen by a bipartisan board of governors (39 U.S.C. § 201). Guided by statute and its bylaws, which require USPS to deliver all mail inducted into its network across all delivery points in the U.S. (39 U.S.C. § 101), the board directs USPS’s powers, reviews Postal Service practices and policies, controls Postal Service expenditures, and selects and may remove the Postmaster General (39 U.S.C. § 202). The Postmaster General, “as directed by the board . . . directs the powers of USPS except for those matters reserved for either the board or the governors.” For example, the “[a]pproval of official statements adopting major policy positions and of official positions on legislative proposals having a major impact on USPS” is a responsibility “[r]eserved for [d]ecision by the [b]oard.”

Taken together, these operational developments make planning for potential delays in mail ballot delivery challenging, as illustrated by recent experience in Wisconsin. After the state’s April 2026 election, nearly two-thirds of Wisconsin county and municipal clerks responding to a survey reported mail delivery issues, and many said that mail ballots took 7–10 business days to arrive rather than the standard 3–5. USPS has stated that it plans to take “extraordinary measures” in the days leading up to the 2026 general election to “accelerate the delivery of ballots when the Postal Service is able to identify the mail piece as a ballot,” as it says it has done in every general election since 2020. Although extraordinary measures can expedite ballot handling and allow for extra deliveries and special pickups, they would not alter the underlying changes in postal operations affecting ballot delivery that are discussed above.

Election officials can prepare for and respond to mail service interruptions or delays by strengthening the parts of the process they can control — for example, by mailing ballots to voters as early as possible, providing alternative ballot return options such as additional ballot drop box sites, and publicly communicating when voters should return ballots to ensure that they are counted.

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Review your office’s policies for handling election mail and assess whether changes are appropriate in your jurisdiction.
  • Meet with your local postmaster to share bulk-mailing drop-ship dates and estimated mail volume; troubleshoot issues from previous election cycles and any challenges that could arise under current USPS delivery policies; and discuss whether and how “extraordinary measures” will be implemented in your jurisdiction during the upcoming general election.
  • Encourage voters to confirm that their address information is up-to-date and make a plan for how they will vote. If that plan includes using an absentee ballot, encourage them to return completed ballots as early as possible and to use alternatives to the mail where available, such as ballot drop box sites.
  • If your office uses ballot-tracking services or tools, regularly monitor the data for service anomalies and trends, and communicate any issues promptly to USPS officials.
  • Consult your counsel right away if you observe significant or unexpected delays in election mail delivery, or if federal officials seek to withhold election mail.
  • Report problems to USPS at https://electionmail.usps.com/s/report-a-problem and be proactive in following up with USPS officials regarding service issues.
  • Share information about service interruptions or delays with local colleagues and other election officials.

The information in this handbook is provided for general informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. You should consult a qualified attorney for advice regarding your particular situation.

More from the State Election Law Interference Handbooks series