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The New Mexico Election Interference Law Handbook

Reviewing key federal and state laws and regulations will help election officials, their counsel, and others who support them to appropriately prepare and respond, if necessary.

September 23, 2026
September 23, 2026

Purpose and Scope

The purpose of this handbook is to provide election officials, their counsel, and others who support their election administration efforts with summaries of key legal authorities related to domestic interference in elections, both at the federal and state levels, including restrictions on such interference. It also offers scenarios and actions that officials should consider in developing their plans related to these issues.

This handbook is for informational purposes only. It does not provide legal guidance or include an exhaustive list of government agencies and departments, federal and state laws and regulations, or other authorities that may affect election administration. Nor is it an operational plan. Rather, it is for deliberative purposes and intended to inform the planning process.

Federal Law: Summary of Key Provisions*

Election Interference

Election Interference Generally

  • 18 U.S.C. § 245 (Federally protected activities): Provides protection from interference in voting or participating in other election activities on account of race, color, religion, or national origin; and prohibits using force or threat of force to willfully injure, intimidate, or interfere with “any person because he is or has been, or in order to intimidate such person . . . from[,] participating [in voting or election activities], without discrimination on account of race, color, religion or national origin.”
  • 18 U.S.C. § 594** (Intimidation of voters): Prohibits intimidating, threatening, or coercing any person “for the purpose of interfering with the right . . . to vote.”

Election Interference by Government Officials

In addition to the statutes above, some federal laws address election interference by government officials or those using government resources.

  • 18 U.S.C. § 592 (Troops at polls): Prohibits U.S. military or federal officials from stationing “troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held” except when necessary “to repel armed enemies of the United States.”
  • 18 U.S.C. § 593 (Interference by armed forces): Prohibits members of the U.S. military from interfering “in any manner with an election officer’s discharge of [their] duties.”
  • 18 U.S.C. § 595 (Interference by administrative employees of Federal, State, or Territorial Governments): Prohibits government employees from using official authority in connection with federally financed activity to interfere with or influence a federal election.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 598 (Coercion by means of relief appropriations): Prohibits the use of congressional appropriations “for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing” any person in the exercise of their right to vote.
  • 42 U.S.C. § 1983 (Civil action for deprivation of rights): Prohibits anyone acting under the color of state law from violating the constitutional rights of any person.

Election Material Maintenance, Access, and Retention

  • 52 U.S.C. § 21083 (Computerized statewide voter registration list requirements and requirements for voters who register by mail): Requires each state’s chief election official to ensure implementation, “in a uniform and nondiscriminatory manner,” of “a single, uniform, official, centralized, interactive computerized statewide voter registration list” containing the name, registration information, and an assigned unique identifier of every legally registered voter in the state. (Not applicable to North Dakota.)
  • 52 U.S.C. § 21085 (Methods of implementation left to discretion of State): Leaves “the specific choices on the methods of complying with the requirements of [52 U.S.C. §§ 21081–102]” to each state’s discretion.
  • 52 U.S.C. § 20701 (Retention and preservation of records and papers by officers of elections; . . . penalty for violation): Requires election officials to retain and preserve, for 22 months and with specific exceptions, all records relating to any application, registration, poll tax payment, and other act requisite to voting in any general, special, or primary election that includes candidates for president, vice president, senator, congressional representative, presidential elector, or resident commissioner of Puerto Rico, and provides criminal penalties for noncompliance.
  • 52 U.S.C. § 20703 (Demand for records or papers by Attorney General or representative; statement of basis and purpose): Requires that any record or paper retained and preserved per 52 U.S.C. § 20701 be made available for inspection, reproduction, and copying at the principal office of the legal custodian by the attorney general (or a designated representative) upon demand, provided said demand is in writing and contains a statement of the basis and the purpose for which it is made.

Election Observers

Congressional Observers

  • 52 U.S.C. § 21083a (Confirmation of Congressional Observer Access Act):
    • Provides that, regardless of legislative action, Congress has the constitutional authority “to send congressional election observers to observe polling locations, any location where processing, scanning, tabulating, canvassing, recounting, auditing, or certifying voting results is occurring, or any other part of the process associated with elections for Federal office,” per the authorities granted under U.S. Const. art. I, § 5, cl. 1 and U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1.
    • Requires that each state “shall provide each individual who is acting as a designated congressional election observer for an election for Federal office with full access to clearly observe all elements of election administration procedures,” including (but not limited to) access to any area in which ballots are cast, processed, scanned, tabulated, canvassed, recounted, audited, or certified, during voting as well as during “pre- and post-election procedures.”
    • Provides that congressional observers may not “handle a ballot or election equipment (whether voting or nonvoting or whether tabulating or nontabulating), advocate for any position or candidate, take any action to reduce ballot secrecy or voter privacy, take any action to interfere with the ability of a voter to cast a ballot or an election administrator to carry the administrator’s duties, or otherwise interfere with the election administration process.”

DOJ “federal observers”

  • 52 S.C. § 10302 (Proceeding to enforce the right to vote): Provides that whenever the attorney general “or an aggrieved person” institutes a proceeding under any statute to enforce constitutional voting guarantees in any state or political subdivision, the court shall authorize the director of the Office of Personnel Management “to appoint federal observers . . . to serve for such period of time and for such political subdivisions as the court shall determine is appropriate to enforce the voting guarantees of the fourteenth or fifteenth amendment.”

Paramilitary Activity and Civil Unrest

  • 10 U.S.C. §§ 251–55 (Insurrection Act): Authorizes the president to deploy military forces inside the United States to suppress rebellion or domestic violence or to enforce the law in certain situations. This provision is the primary exception to the Posse Comitatus Act, under which federal military forces are generally barred from participating in civilian law enforcement activities.
  • 10 U.S.C. § 12406 (National Guard in federal service: call): Authorizes the president to federalize and deploy National Guard forces when there is an invasion or threat of invasion or a rebellion against the authority of the U.S. government or threat of such rebellion, or when the president is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States. The issue of whether this law constitutes an exception to the Posse Comitatus Act is currently in litigation.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 2101 (Anti-Riot Act): Prohibits using interstate or foreign commerce (such as crossing state lines or using the mail, phones, radio, TV, or the internet) with the intent to incite a riot; to organize, promote, encourage, participate in, or carry on a riot; to commit violent acts to further a riot; or to help someone else incite or take part in a riot or violent act related to a riot.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 231 (Civil disorders): Prohibits any of the following in connection with civil disorder: teaching or showing someone how to make or use a gun, explosive, or dangerous device; transporting or manufacturing a gun or explosive; and obstructing or interfering with police or firefighters.

Threats and Voter Intimidation

  • 18 U.S.C. § 115 (Influencing, impeding, or retaliating against a Federal official by threatening or injuring a family member): Prohibits threats “to assault, kidnap or murder” federal officials, employees, or their family members with the “intent to impede, intimidate, or interfere with” the performance of official duties, or in retaliation for official duties.
  • 47 U.S.C. § 223 (Obscene or harassing telephone calls in the District of Columbia or in interstate or foreign communications): Prohibits knowingly making an interstate communication or transmitting “any comment, request, suggestion, proposal, image, or other communication which is obscene” with the intent to abuse, threaten, or harass another person.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 610 (Coercion of political activity): Prohibits intimidating or threatening federal employees “to engage in, or not to engage in, any political activity.”
  • 18 U.S.C. § 875 (Interstate communications): Prohibits threatening to kidnap or injure someone using certain interstate communications.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 876 (Mailing threatening communications): Prohibits knowingly sending by mail “any communication . . . addressed to any other person and containing any threat to kidnap any person or any threat to injure”; includes additional penalties for mailing threats to federal officials.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 2261A (Stalking): Prohibits interstate stalking and cyberstalking.
  • 42 U.S.C. 1983 (Civil action for deprivation of rights), § 1985 (Conspiracy to interfere with civil rights): Prohibits two or more persons from conspiring to use “force, intimidation, or threat” to:
    • prevent a person from “discharging any duties” related to administering a federal election; or
    • deprive a person of equal protection, hinder state officials in securing equal protection for others, or prevent voters from engaging in lawful activity related to voting in federal elections.
  • 52 U.S.C. § 20511** (Criminal penalties): Provides criminal penalties for any person, including an election official, who “knowingly and willfully intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any person for . . . urging or aiding any person” in voting or registering to vote in a federal election.
  • 52 U.S.C. § 10307 (Prohibited acts): Prohibits a person acting under the color of law or otherwise from intimidating, threatening, or coercing any person “for urging or aiding any person to vote or attempt to vote” or for enforcing the right to vote.

U.S. Mail

  • 18 U.S.C. § 1708 (Theft or receipt of stolen mail matter generally): Prohibits theft of U.S. mail.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 1341 (Frauds and swindles): Prohibits using the mail for fraud.
  • 39 U.S.C. § 3018 (Hazardous material): Prohibits sending hazardous materials through the mail.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 3061 (Investigative powers of Postal Service personnel): Authorizes USPIS officials to make arrests, including warrantless arrests under certain circumstances, and to seize property as provided by law.

* Case law may exist that provides further insight into how these statutes should be interpreted and applied beyond the scope of this handbook. Anyone considering how any particular statute may be applied should consult with counsel.

** Only applicable to federal elections.

Overview of Key Federal Entities and Their Election-Related Roles and Responsibilities

Department of Defense

The Department of Defense (DOD) is an executive cabinet–level department “responsible for providing the military forces needed to deter war and protect the security of our country.” Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth was nominated by President Donald Trump and confirmed by the Senate in January 2025.

DOD plays an important role in military and overseas voter access. The Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA) gives a “presidential designee” primary responsibility for the “federal functions” required under the act. In 1998, President Ronald Reagan designated the secretary of defense as the presidential designee in Executive Order 12642, which also authorized the secretary to delegate UOCAVA responsibilities, authority, and discretion “to any person or persons with the Department of Defense.” DOD Instruction 1000.04 delegates these responsibilities to the undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness, a role currently held by Anthony J. Tata.

The DOD’s Federal Voting Assistance Program (FVAP) “administers the federal responsibilities of the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act.” Scott Wiedmann is the director of FVAP.

 

FVAP recently made a change to the services it offers to UOCAVA voters: As of August 1, 2025, FVAP will no longer fax overseas voters’ election materials to county election officials, and UOCAVA voters may no longer send their voting materials to FVAP via email.

In the past, DOD entities have also helped to counter foreign threats to U.S. elections. For example, in 2022, the National Guard provided election cybersecurity support to several states.

Department of Homeland Security

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) is an executive cabinet–level department that “works to improve the security of the United States.” DHS’s work includes customs, border, and immigration enforcement; emergency response to natural and man-made disasters; antiterrorism efforts; and cybersecurity. DHS Secretary Markwayne Mullin was nominated by President Trump and confirmed by the Senate in March 2026.

DHS has played a supportive role in election security since 2017, when the DHS secretary designated election infrastructure — including voter registration databases and associated IT systems, voting systems, and polling locations — as critical infrastructure (CI).

Importantly, this designation “does nothing to change the role state and local governments have in administering and running elections.” Moreover, as the Congressional Research Service explained, the CI designation does not did not establish DHS regulatory authority over elections. Rather, it simply enables DHS to provide “assistance to election jurisdictions only on a voluntary basis,” affording election officials “greater access to DHS information and security resources.”

DHS’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) is the department’s lead for providing election security support and services to state and local election officials under this designation. CISA Director Sean Plankey was nominated by President Trump and confirmed by the Senate Homeland Security Committee in July 2025 advanced his nomination.

 

Department of Justice

The Department of Justice (DOJ) is an executive cabinet–level department charged with “enforc[ing] federal laws.” President Trump appointed Todd Blanche to serve as attorney general in June 2026. The Senate confirmed Blanche as head of the DOJ in August.

 

United States Postal Inspection Service

The U.S. Postal Inspection Service (USPIS) is the law enforcement arm of the United States Postal Service (USPS). USPIS “enforces over 200 federal statutes related to crimes that involve the postal system, its employees, and its customers.” It is “responsible for ensuring the safety of all mail, including Election Mail.” The chief postal inspector is appointed by the postmaster general, in consultation with USPS’s board of governors, to oversee all operations of the Postal Inspection Service. The chief postal inspector reports to the postmaster general. Current Chief Postal Inspector Gary Barksdale was appointed to the position in 2019.

Postal inspectors (PIs) are sworn federal agents, specially chosen and trained to ensure that laws are enforced, crimes are prevented, and the nation’s election mail is securely delivered. Certain PIs, designated as election crime coordinators (ECCs), “coordinate closely with the Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, USPS Office of the Inspector General, and local and state law enforcement” as needed.

 

United States Postal Service

The U.S. Postal Service is “an independent establishment of the executive branch” overseen by a bipartisan board of governors. Nine of the board’s eleven members (or governors) are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate to serve staggered seven-year terms; the remaining two are the postmaster general and deputy postmaster general, who have no set terms. The board appoints the postmaster general; the deputy postmaster general is selected by the board and the postmaster general. The current board of governors chair is Amber McReynolds, who also chairs the board’s election mail committee and serves on its operations committee.

The Postal Service plays a vital role in election administration: processing, transporting, and delivering the nation’s election mail safely, securely, and on time. The term election mail includes “any item mailed to or from authorized election officials that enables citizens to participate in the voting process — including ballots, voter registration cards, absentee voting applications and polling place notifications.”

The Postal Service has specific policies and procedures on the proper acceptance, processing, delivery, and documentation of election mail. In 2022, USPS formed a permanent, full-time election and government mail services team to formalize and centralize proven strategies, processes, and procedures. The Postal Service now operates a year-round education and compliance program to ensure that employees are fully trained and applying “all policies and procedures to properly handle mail-in ballots and other Election Mail.” In 2024, the Postal Bulletin published a comprehensive guide to these policies and procedures, which includes explanations about how the official election mail logo and other identifiers help USPS to monitor, track, and prioritize delivery of election mail.

According to the Postal Service’s 2024 postelection analysis report, USPS successfully processed, transported, and delivered 99.88 percent of ballots from voters to election officials within seven days, and 99.64 percent within five days. On average, it took one day for the Postal Service to deliver ballots from voters back to local election boards.

Congress

Congress’s election-related roles and responsibilities are established in the U.S. Constitution, which grants only Congress and the states the power to regulate the times, places, and manner of federal elections. However, Congress has delegated certain federal agencies limited roles in elections. For purposes of this handbook, the overview provided in this section is limited to information related to the congressional election observer program. In 2024, Congress enacted the Confirmation of Congressional Observer Access Act (COCOA), which codifies the program, through which congressional staff volunteer and are trained for the purpose of “monitoring key aspects of the election process and collecting information to build a record for the Committee in the case of a contested election.” According to the National Association of Counties (NACo), Congress has utilized this program since 2006, though Congress says the program has existed “for decades.”

Congress asserts that the Qualifications Clause, holding that each house “shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members” (U.S. Const. art. I, § 5, cl. 1), and the Elections Clause, granting state legislatures authority over “the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives” but giving Congress the right to “at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations” (U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1), grant it the authority for this program.

Shortly after COCOA’s passage, Committee on House Administration chair Bryan Steil (R-WI) and ranking minority member Joseph Morelle (D-NY) sent NACo a letter outlining the program and its purpose. The letter acknowledged that “states have the important responsibility of administering . . . federal elections” and that congressional observers “play no role in the administration of the election or the vote counting process; they are to function exclusively as an observer.” It also stated that congressional observers “are to be provided ‘full access to clearly observe all elements of election administration procedures’ throughout the election process . . . even if state law credentialing, partisan quota, or access requirements exist to the contrary,” noting that “the House’s constitutional and statutory authority in this area supersedes state law.”

New Mexico State Law: Summary of Key Provisions*

Core Election Interference Provisions

  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–4–5.5: Prohibits the county clerk or secretary of state from disclosing voters’ Social Security numbers, codes used to identify agencies where voters registered, a voter’s day and month of birth, or voters’ phone numbers when disclosure is prohibited by the voter.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–25: Prohibits any person acting “under color of law or otherwise” from:
    • ordering, bringing, or keeping a troop or armed person in the U.S. civil, military, or naval service to any polling place, including parking areas, or within 50 feet of a monitored ballot drop box, beginning 28 days before the election through Election Day, unless such force is necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States;
    • prescribing, fixing, or attempting to prescribe or fix voter qualifications at an election contrary state law;
    • imposing or attempting to impose a rule, standard, or practice for conducting an election contrary to state law; or
    • interfering with the conduct of an election or with election officials, election workers, voters, challengers, or watchers while performing their duties under the election law.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–4: Prohibits opening a ballot box or inspecting or removing the contents without lawful authority, or conspiring with others to do so, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–5: Prohibits opening, unlocking, inspecting, tampering with, resetting, or adjusting a voting machine owned by any county without lawful authority, or conspiring with others to do so, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–6: Prohibits unlawfully possessing any key, including an imitation or duplicate, to a voting machine, ballot box, or monitored secured container, or making or causing an imitation or duplicate to be made without lawful authority, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–7: Prohibits unlawfully possessing or obtaining absentee ballot materials, including establishing, designating, or operating “any container or receptacle to receive voted ballots” and entering information into or altering the absentee ballot register without authorization, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–9: Prohibits, as a felony, willfully performing any of the following acts with the knowledge and intent to deceive or mislead voters, precinct boards, canvassing boards, or other election officials:
    • printing, distributing, or displaying false or misleading instructions about voting and elections;
    • printing, distributing, or displaying any official or sample ballot with inaccurate information;
    • defacing, altering, forging, making false entries in, changing, or suppressing a certificate of nomination, registration record, or election return; or
    • preparing or submitting a false certificate of nomination, registration record, or election return.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–11: Prohibits, as a felony, willfully advancing, paying, causing to be paid, or promising, whether directly or indirectly, money or other valuable consideration, office, or employment to a person for any of the following purposes:
    • inducing a voter to vote or refrain from voting for or against any candidate, proposition, question, or constitutional amendment;
    • inducing an election board member or other election official to mark, alter, suppress, or otherwise change any ballot that has been cast, election return, or certificate of election; or
    • inducing a person to use the payment or promise to bribe others for any of these purposes.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–15: Prohibits knowingly combining, uniting, or agreeing with another person to omit any duty or commit any act when the omission or act would constitute a felony under the election law, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–16: Prohibits, as misdemeanors, “under color of law or otherwise,” displaying or distributing signs, campaign literature, buttons, T-shirts, hats, pins, or similar items and verbally or electronically soliciting votes for a candidate or question within 100 feet of the building in which the polling place is located on Election Day when voting at a school, church, or private residence, and within 100 feet of the voter entrance door at the office of the county clerk, alternate voting location, mobile voting site, or any other location used as a polling place on Election Day that is not a school, church, or private residence.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–17: Prohibits, “under color of law or otherwise,” the following:
    • approaching within 50 feet of the voter entrance at a polling place if the person is not an authorized individual—meaning an individual who is not electioneering and who is a voter offering to vote, election board member, lawfully appointed watcher, challenger, or election observer, individual assisting a specific voter, election official or contractor having business in the polling place, attorney representing the county or state, a political party, or a candidate and having business in the polling place, or language translator where required by federal law—or willfully blocking access to a monitored secured container or polling place entrance, and makes such conduct a misdemeanor; or
    • intentionally preventing free ingress or egress to or from a voting location by rendering access impassable, intimidation, or disturbance, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–20: Prohibits, “under color of law or otherwise,” creating disorder or disruption at a polling place starting 28 days before an election through Election Day, and makes such conduct a misdemeanor.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–23: Prohibits willful violation of the election law by a state or county officer, deputy, or assistant, or willful failure or refusal to perform any act or duty required by the election law, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–13.1: Prohibits compelling any voter to vote for or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, proposition, question, or constitutional amendment, whether against the voter’s will or without the voter’s ability to understand the purpose and effect of their vote, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–14: Prohibits inducing or attempting to induce fear in election officials, employees, agents, board members, voters, challengers, or watchers by using or threatening the use of force, violence, infliction of damage, harm, loss, or economic retaliation for the purpose of impeding or preventing the free exercise of voting or the impartial administration of an election or the election law, and makes such conduct a felony.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24: Prohibits possessing a loaded or unloaded firearm within 100 feet of the voter entrance at a polling place, including a school, county clerk’s office, alternate voting location, or mobile voting site, while early voting is in progress or on Election Day, or within 50 feet of a monitored secured container used for returning absentee ballots beginning 28 days before an election through Election Day, and makes such conduct a misdemeanor.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–3–2: Prohibits unlawfully assaulting or striking at another person with a deadly weapon.

Police presence at the polls

  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–12–4: Authorizes the presiding judge or any election judge to call on any peace officer to assist in maintaining order in the polling place; requires a peace officer so requested to render assistance; and authorizes the presiding judge or any election judge to designate a peace officer to stand outside the polling place entrance and control the admission of voters.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–12–5: Prohibits New Mexico state police and other peace officers from interfering with an election board member, a voter, or the conduct of the election, except “to assist in maintaining order and orderly control of access when requested by the presiding judge, an election judge, a county clerk or the secretary of state.”
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–2–22: Prohibits law enforcement officers from serving as challengers, watchers, or election observers.

Election Material Maintenance, Access, and Retention

Various New Mexico laws and regulations, including N.N.M. Stat. Ann. §§ 1–12–69 and 1–13–23, along with , require elections officials to keep and preserve election records for certain durations. The table below lists key records retention requirements.

 

Election Observers and Challengers

  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–2–25: Prohibits challengers, watchers, and county canvass observers from the following:
    • performing duties of election board members;
    • handling ballots, signature rosters, checklists of voters, or voting machines;
    • taking part in the counting or tallying of ballots or the county canvass;
    • viewing a voter’s full date of birth or any portion of a voter’s Social Security number; or
    • interfering with the orderly conduct of the election, the counting or tallying of ballots, or the county canvass.

Emergency Powers

  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–12–43.1: During a declared state of emergency or impending emergency, authorizes the secretary of state and county clerks to evaluate and develop emergency contingency plans — including relocating polling places, deploying mobile voting units, adjusting ballot delivery procedures, and providing public notice to changes to the voting process — to ensure maximum participation during the electoral process and to provide a safe and orderly procedure for affected elections.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 12–10–4: Authorizes the governor, in the event of a human-caused or natural disaster causing or threatening widespread physical or economic harm that is beyond local control and requires state resources, to direct and control “any and all state forces and resources engaged in emergency operations,” to “issue, amend or rescind orders, rules and procedures” necessary to carry out the All Hazard Emergency Management Act, and to provide “those resources and services necessary” to avoid or minimize economic or physical harm, protect lives or public property, or otherwise protect the public health, safety, and welfare.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 12–10A-5: Authorizes the governor, after consulting with the secretary of health, to declare a state of public health emergency by executive order, specifying the affected geographic areas and other provisions necessary to implement the order.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–21A-9: Requires, when the president, governor, or governing body of an Indian nation, tribe, or pueblo has declared a state of emergency or invoked emergency powers, tribal consent before eliminating or consolidating polling places or modifying voting days or hours; the provision of additional alternate, mobile alternate, or election-day polling locations in specified circumstances; and waiver of the requirement that a polling place be available to all county voters when tribal lands are inaccessible or their borders are closed.

Paramilitary Activity and Civil Disorder

  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–20–1: Prohibits engaging in violent, abusive, indecent, profane, boisterous, unreasonably loud, or otherwise disorderly conduct, and makes such conduct a misdemeanor.
  • N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–20–13: Prohibits willfully denying staff, public officials, or the public lawful egress and ingress to, lawful use of, or lawful freedom to move within any building or other facility or property owned, operated, or controlled by the state or any of its political subdivisions, and makes such conduct a misdemeanor.
  • N.N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–13–1: Prohibits disturbing any meeting of people assembled for any legal purpose, and makes such conduct a misdemeanor.
  • N.N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–20–3: Prohibits unlawful assembly, which consists of three or more persons assembling together with intent to do any unlawful act with force or violence against another person or their property, and makes such conduct a misdemeanor.

Definition

* Case law may exist that provides further insight into how these statutes should be interpreted and applied beyond the scope of this handbook. Anyone considering how any particular statute may be applied should consult with counsel.

Overview of State Entities

New Mexico Governor

The governor of New Mexico serves as the chief executive officer of the state (see N.M. Const. art. V, § 4). The governor represents New Mexico and oversees the operation of the state government. Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham was first elected in 2018 and was reelected to a second four-year term in 2022, making her ineligible to seek a third consecutive term in 2026.

Under New Mexico’s All Hazard Emergency Management Act, in the event of a human-caused or natural disaster causing or threatening widespread physical or economic harm that is beyond local control and requires state resources, the governor exercises direction and control over “any and all state forces and resources engaged in emergency operations” (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 12–10–4(A)). The act authorizes the governor to “issue, amend or rescind orders, rules and procedures” necessary to carry out its provisions, and to provide “those resources and services necessary” to avoid or minimize economic or physical harm, protect lives or public property, or otherwise protect the public health, safety, and welfare (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 12–10–4(B)(2)–(3)).

Separately, New Mexico’s Public Health Emergency Response Act authorizes the governor, after consulting with the secretary of health, to declare a state of public health emergency by executive order and to specify, among other things, the political subdivisions or geographic areas affected and “any other provisions necessary to implement the executive order” (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 12–10A-5(A)–(B)).

The governor is the commander in chief of the state’s military forces (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 20–1–4) and has the power “to call out the militia to preserve the public peace, execute the laws, suppress insurrection and repel invasion” (N.M. Const. art. V, § 4; see also N.M. Stat. Ann. § 20–2–3). The militia is divided into an organized component — comprising the New Mexico National Guard, the standing cadre of the State Defense Force — and any members of the unorganized militia activated, enrolled, or enlisted into either force; and an unorganized component, which includes able-bodied, male state residents of a certain age who are U.S. citizens or have declared their intention to become citizens (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 20–2–2(A)–(B)).

New Mexico Secretary of State

Maggie Toulouse Oliver was elected secretary of state in December 2016 during a special election and is currently serving her second four-year term. The office of the secretary of state is established by the New Mexico Constitution (N.M. Const. art. V, § 1).

As the state’s chief election officer, the secretary of state is responsible for obtaining and maintaining “uniformity in the application, operation and interpretation” of the state’s election law (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–2–1). The secretary of state’s office generally supervises all elections; advises county clerks, boards of county commissioners, and boards of registration on the proper performance of their duties; and oversees the education and training of county clerks, voting machine technicians, and registration officers (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–2–2). The office is also responsible for examining and certifying all voting systems (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–9–1(A)); maintaining the official state voter file and developing and supervising the statewide voter-registration electronic management system (N.M. Stat. Ann. §§ 1–5–3(B), 1–5–30(A)–(B)); assisting county clerks in preparing and supplying ballots (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–10–2); and administering procedures for military-overseas voting (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–6B-4).

N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–2–1 authorizes the secretary of state to issue rules necessary to carry out the purposes of the election law, except that no rule may be adopted or amended within 63 days before a primary or general election. Select examples include:

  • 1.10.12 NMAC: Establishes procedures for absentee voting, including mobile alternate voting locations and mailed ballot delivery to government buildings.
  • 1.10.19 NMAC: Provides guidance and uniform standards related to ballot drop boxes.
  • 1.10.38 NMAC: Establishes emergency election procedures for the secretary of state and county clerks.

New Mexico National Guard

Major General Miguel Aguilar serves as the adjutant general of New Mexico. The adjutant general is appointed by the governor and may be removed only for cause, as determined by a court-martial or efficiency board legally convened for that purpose in accordance with U.S. Department of Defense National Guard regulations (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 20–1–5). The adjutant general serves as the “military chief of staff to the governor and is the head of the department of military affairs”, which includes the New Mexico National Guard and the State Defense Force (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 20–3–2). Governor Lujan Grisham appointed Major General Aguilar in May 2022.

Under certain circumstances, Title 10 of the U.S. Code allows the president to “call into Federal service members and units of the National Guard of any State” (10 U.S.C. § 12406). Once lawfully called by the president (i.e., “activated for federal service under Title 10 authority,” or federalized), National Guard members “are in an equivalent active-duty status as their active component counterparts;” the chain of command “runs from the President to the Secretary of Defense; and from the Secretary of Defense to the commander of the combatant command.”

Federal courts recently addressed the limits on the president’s authority to federalize the National Guard under 10 U.S.C. § 12406, which permits federalization when (among other circumstances) “the president is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.” In October 2025, President Trump invoked this law to federalize approximately 300 members of the Illinois National Guard in the Chicago area. After an additional 400 members of the Texas National Guard were slated for deployment in the area, Illinois Attorney General Kwame Raoul sued to halt the deployment.

In December 2025, the Supreme Court, by a vote of 6–3, rejected a request from the Trump administration to put the temporary restraining order issued by a lower court judge on hold while litigation continued. The majority held that the president may federalize National Guard forces under 10 U.S.C. § 12406 only in situations where he has legal authority to deploy active-duty troops and has determined that active-duty troops are insufficient. The majority concluded that, “[a]t this preliminary stage, the government has failed to identify a source of authority that would allow the military to execute the laws in Illinois,” given that President Trump had not invoked the Insurrection Act and the government did not cite an applicable constitutional authority. Shortly after this ruling, President Trump announced that he would end efforts to deploy the National Guard in Chicago, as well as in Los Angeles and Portland, Oregon.

Questions and Scenarios to Consider

This section offers a list of scenarios that involve federal officials and election administration. As this handbook does not provide legal advice, these scenarios may result in questions that are outside the scope of this document and should be addressed to an attorney.

Federal Presence

Federal officials — including armed, uniformed federal law enforcement officers or military personnel — could appear at in-person voting locations under various circumstances. Regardless of the reason, their appearance may cause concern or confusion. As federal presence in election settings has historically been rare and is subject to both federal and state limitations, reviewing the applicable laws and regulations will help you to appropriately prepare and respond, if necessary.

Scenario: Federal officials or military personnel arrive at an in-person voting location to vote

Summary

Federal law protects the voting rights of federal officials and military personnel. State law, however, may restrict whether they may bring firearms into in-person voting locations. Additional jurisdictional questions may arise when polling sites are located on federal property, including within federal buildings.

Discussion

Federal law protects federal employees’ voting rights: 18 U.S.C. § 610 makes it a felony for “any person to intimidate, threaten, command, or coerce, or attempt to intimidate, threaten, command, or coerce, any employee of the Federal Government . . . to engage in, or not to engage in, any political activity, including, but not limited to, voting or refusing to vote for any candidate or measure in any election.” Because federal officials and military personnel are typically armed, their presence at in-person voting locations may still raise questions about applicable firearm restrictions and jurisdiction, particularly when an in-person voting location is located on federal property.

State law generally permits a person to carry a firearm openly without a permit (see N.M. Const. art. II, § 6). However, New Mexico generally prohibits carrying a concealed loaded firearm unless an exception applies, including when the person possesses a valid concealed handgun license (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–7–2(A), (A)(5)). The provision contains no exemption based solely on military status, but it does exempt a “peace officer” in two circumstances (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–7–2(A)(3)–(4)). First, a peace officer is exempt when acting in accordance with the policies of the officer’s law enforcement agency and certified pursuant to New Mexico’s Law Enforcement Training Act (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–7–2(A)(3)). Although § 30–7–2 does not define “peace officer,” federal law enforcement officers might not qualify for this exception because the Law Enforcement Training Act defines a “law enforcement agency” as an agency of the state, a local political subdivision, or certain tribal police departments and defines a “police officer” principally as a commissioned employee of such an agency (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 29–7–7(I)–(J)). Second, a peace officer is exempt when acting in accordance with the policies of the officer’s law enforcement agency, is temporarily employed by that agency, and has successfully completed the required firearms instruction (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–7–2(A)(4)). This exception likewise might not apply to federal law enforcement officers because New Mexico’s separate provision recognizing certain federally employed officers as New Mexico peace officers does not itself make them temporary employees of a New Mexico law enforcement agency (N.M. Stat. Ann. §§ 30–7–2(A)(4), 29–1–11(E)).

Additionally, New Mexico law prohibits possessing a loaded or unloaded firearm within 100 feet of the voter entrance at a polling place (including schools, county clerk’s offices, alternate voting locations, and mobile voting sites) during early voting or on Election Day (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24(A)(1)–(2)). This prohibition does not apply to a person in a private automobile or other private means of conveyance, or to a person carrying a concealed firearm with a valid concealed handgun license (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24(B)(5)–(6)). The statute also contains several exemptions for law enforcement officers. For one, it exempts a “certified law enforcement officer” performing official duties but does not define what certification is required, so this exception could apply to federal law enforcement officers who are certified under a federal or other law enforcement framework (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24(B)(1)). A separate exception applies to an officer certified pursuant to New Mexico’s Law Enforcement Training Act and acting in accordance with their agency’s policies (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24(B)(2)). That exception appears unlikely to encompass federal officers, however, because the Law Enforcement Training Act generally applies to officers of state, local, and qualifying tribal law enforcement agencies (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 29–7–7(I)–(J)). The statute also exempts a “commissioned law enforcement officer with the power to arrest” who is either performing official duties or acting in accordance with their agency’s policy (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24(B)(3)–(4)). The provision does not define the term “commissioned law enforcement officer,” so this exemption could apply to federal law enforcement officers .

If an in-person voting location is located on federal property, that is, located on federal land (including a military installation) or in a federal building, jurisdictional issues may arise. Election officials may have less legal authority to mitigate potential concerns about federal presence at such sites than at other locations. In that setting, 18 U.S.C. § 930(a) — which prohibits carrying firearms in a federal facility (other than a federal court facility) — typically applies. However, this prohibition does not apply to federal officials, employees, and agents or to state and local law enforcement officers while undertaking “the lawful performance of official duties” (18 U.S.C. § 930(d)(1)).

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Review current policies that address access to in-person voting locations and speak with other election officials in your state about their policies.
  • Discuss your office’s policies with your counsel and law enforcement, including any relevant past concerns, challenges, or special considerations in your jurisdiction. Here is a guide for working with law enforcement to help keep elections, voters, and election infrastructure safe and secure.
    • Update policies as necessary. Additionally, discuss these policies with relevant stakeholders as appropriate, including federal government employee groups, local voting rights groups and other community organizations, local military liaisons, and state officials.
  • Incorporate these policies into your training materials and other relevant documents.
  • Publish, post, and otherwise distribute these policies before and during in-person voting. Consider working with community organizations, military and veterans’ groups, and federal officials in your area to help distribute this information.
  • Consider posting signage, where appropriate, regarding weapons prohibitions at in-person voting locations. The Center for Civic Design offers a guide with customizable gun safety signage templates.
  • Review in-person voting locations to determine whether any are located on federal property, including within federal buildings, and discuss the resulting list with your counsel to identify any special considerations that apply to these locations.
  • If an in-person voting site is located on federal property, meet with relevant federal officials in advance to discuss potential jurisdictional issues and agree on the rules and procedures that will apply during in-person voting. Formalize agreements as appropriate.
  • Contact your counsel and notify other election officials in your state of challenges that arise during the in-person voting period.

Scenario: Federal officials arrive at an in-person voting location to observe or monitor an election

Summary

Both the Department of Justice (DOJ) and Congress may deploy election observers or monitors. Federal and state laws prohibit interfering with election administration and intimidating voters. The application of these state law restrictions to federally authorized observers or monitors may be limited to the extent they are preempted by federal law.

Discussion

The DOJ may deploy federal employees to in-person voting locations. The deployed federal officials are often categorized as either federal observers or federal monitors. Congress has a separate program that may deploy congressional observers to in-person voting locations.

Federal observers. The DOJ has clear authority to deploy federal observers to locations “where there is a court order under Section 3(a) of the Voting Rights Act authorizing their presence.” Currently, the only jurisdictions that meet this requirement are in Louisiana (St. Landry Parish), New Jersey (Union County), and Rhode Island (city of Pawtucket). It is your responsibility to know whether a relevant court order is in place in your jurisdiction. Absent a court order, the DOJ lacks clear authority to deploy federal observers inside in-person voting locations.

Federal monitors. In the past, the DOJ has deployed federal monitors “to elections in communities all across the country.” For example, in November 2020, it deployed monitors to 18 states, including New Mexico, where monitors were sent to Bernalillo County. In November 2024, the DOJ deployed monitors to voting locations in 27 states, including New Mexico, where monitors were sent to Bernalillo County and Cibola County. The Department announced in July 2026 that it would send election monitors to 15 jurisdictions across Arizona, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire and Virginia during primary elections. And in September 2026, the Department announced that it would send 1,000 monitors to “select locations around the country to observe the general election in November.”

While the DOJ monitors “both federal and non-federal elections,” it has usually limited federal monitor deployments to Election Day. Deployed federal monitors have included DOJ attorneys and other department personnel. Federal election monitoring by the DOJ is typically coordinated by the Civil Rights Division, which informs the relevant election officials of any plans to send federal monitors and “maintain[s] contact with state and local election officials.”

In the absence of a federal statute clearly providing DOJ staff monitors access to polling locations, these monitors are generally subject to state laws governing access to the polls, which may include rules on credentialing, conduct, and where observers may be stationed. According to a 2018 report by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, the DOJ can “send its own staff to monitor elections, but they can only enter the polls if they have permission from the local jurisdiction.” New Mexico law generally prohibits anyone other than the following individuals, provided they are not electioneering, from approaching within 50 feet of the voter entrance at a polling place: voters offering to vote; election board members; lawfully appointed watchers, challengers, and election observers; individuals assisting a specific voter; election officials or contractors having business in the polling place; attorneys representing the county or state, a political party, or a candidate and having business in the polling place; and language translators where required by federal law (see N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–17(A), (D)). Challengers and watchers are appointed pursuant to state law (N.M. Stat. Ann. §§ 1–2–21(A)–(B), 1–2–27), while an “election observer” is limited to a person registered with the U.S. Department of State as an international election observer or an academic engaged in research on elections and the election process who is registered with the New Mexico secretary of state. When access to the polls has not been granted or is in question, some state election officials, including Missouri’s secretary of state and Texas’s attorney general, have requested a court order barring federal monitors inside polling locations when informed that jurisdictions in their state had been selected for federal monitoring. In Texas — which unlike St. Louis County had no prior settlement agreement with the DOJ authorizing federal monitoring — the department agreed to station observers outside of polling locations. After DOJ monitors attempted to access polling locations and voting equipment during the 2026 primary in Laramie County, Wyoming, Governor Mark Gordon requested an investigation into their conduct.

Congressional observers. For “decades,” Congress has deployed election observers “to watch the administration of congressional elections in the states.” In 2024, Congress codified this practice by enacting the Confirmation of Congressional Observers Act, or COCOA (52 U.S.C. § 21083a), and published guidance on the congressional Election Observer Program. COCOA expressly authorizes Congress to send observers to “polling locations, any location where processing, scanning, tabulating, canvassing, recounting, auditing, or certifying voting results is occurring, or any other part of the process associated with elections for Federal office” (52 U.S.C. § 21083a(a)). Observers must be “House or Senate employee[s] designated in writing by the chair or ranking minority member of the Committee on House Administration . . . or the Committee on Rules and Administration of the Senate” (52 U.S.C. § 21083a(d)). COCOA establishes “specific guidelines for conduct and interactions between observers and election staff” and places restrictions on congressional election observers, including prohibitions on handling ballots or voting equipment.

COCOA states that the Qualifications Clause, holding that each house “shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members” (U.S. Const. art. I, § 5, cl. 1), and the Elections Clause, granting state legislatures authority over “the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives” but giving Congress the right to “at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations” (U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1), grant Congress the authority for the program. The act explains that, under this authority, “regardless of legislative action, Congress has the authority to send congressional election observers.”

Shortly after COCOA’s passage, House Administration Committee chair Bryan Steil (R-WI) and ranking member Joseph Morelle (D-NY) sent a letter to the National Association of Counties outlining the congressional election observer program and the new legislation. While acknowledging that “states have the important responsibility of administering our federal elections,” the letter emphasized Congress’s “duty to ‘Judge the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members’” and stated that “the House’s constitutional and statutory authority in this area supersedes state law.” More specifically, it stated that congressional observers “are to be provided ‘full access to clearly observe all elements of election administration procedures’ throughout the election process . . . even if state law credentialing, partisan quota, or access requirements exist to the contrary.”

In the past, program outreach to election officials in jurisdictions selected for congressional observation has been inconsistent. This has likely contributed to confusion that has at times resulted when congressional observers arrive with “credentials” that are issued by congressional committees but do not comport with state law — which often requires written authorization from a state or local political party or campaign official. On at least one occasion, after a congressional observer failed to provide credentials required under state law (but did provide a copy of a letter on House Administration Committee letterhead), a member of Congress publicly accused local election officials of “blocking entrance of Official House Election Observers.”

Importantly, COCOA also specifies that state and local election officials can lawfully remove congressional election observers when “a reasonable basis to believe that the designated congressional election observer has engaged in or imminently will engage in intimidation or deceptive practices prohibited by Federal law” exists.

Restrictions against interference. Federal and state laws prohibit federal officials from interfering or attempting to interfere in an election. 18 U.S.C. § 595 prohibits government employees from using official authority in connection with federally financed activity to interfere in a federal election. 18 U.S.C. § 598 prohibits the use of congressional appropriations “for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing” any individual in the exercise of their right to vote.

As for state law, N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–14(A) prohibits inducing or attempting to induce fear in election officials, employees, agents, or board members through the use or threatened use of force or violence. prohibits, “under color of law or otherwise,” unauthorized individuals from approaching within 50 feet of the voter entrance at a polling place or willfully blocking access to a monitored secured container or polling place entrance; and prohibits intentionally preventing free ingress or egress to or from a voting location by rendering access impassable, or by intimidation or disturbance. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–20(A) prohibits creating disorder or disruption at a polling place beginning 28 days before an election through Election Day. And N.M. Stat. Ann. §§ 1–20–4 and 1–20–5 prohibit, without lawful authority, opening a ballot box or inspecting or removing its contents, or opening, unlocking, inspecting, tampering with, resetting, or adjusting a voting machine owned by a county, including conspiring with others to engage in such conduct.

Moreover, New Mexico law protects voters against intimidation. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–13.1(A) prohibits compelling any voter to vote for or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, proposition, question, or constitutional amendment; and N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–14(A) prohibits intimidating voters by using or threatening force, violence, infliction of damage, harm, or loss, or any form of intimidation or duress to impede or prevent the free exercise of the elective franchise.

On top of these prohibitions, New Mexico law imposes certain restrictions on election observers subject to state law. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–2–25(A) prohibits challengers, watchers, and county canvass observers from performing duties of election board members; handling ballots, signature rosters, checklists of voters, or voting machines; taking part in the counting or tallying of the ballots or the county canvass; viewing a voter’s full date of birth or any portion of the voter’s Social Security number; or interfering with the orderly conduct of the election, the counting or tallying of ballots, or the county canvass.

The application of state law requirements to federally authorized observers or monitors may be limited to the extent they are preempted by federal law. Contact your counsel to assess whether and to what extent these requirements may apply to federally authorized observers or monitors in your jurisdiction.

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Review relevant federal and state laws governing federal observers, federal monitors, congressional observers, and other observers and challengers.
  • Ask for a list of the names of the federal monitors or congressional election observers that are being deployed to your jurisdiction.
  • Speak with other local election officials (including those in other states) whose jurisdictions have been selected by the DOJ or Congress for observation or monitoring.
  • Discuss the possibility of federal observers, federal monitors, and congressional observers with your counsel. Discuss appropriate responses and policies, including whether any of the state law requirements discussed above may be preempted by federal law and therefore unenforceable, and communicate them to your staff.
  • Develop a public communications plan in case a federal observer, federal monitor, or congressional observer is denied access, including procedures for responding to media, voters, and other stakeholders.
  • If your office is contacted by the DOJ or Congress about observers or monitors, consider the following actions:
    • Contact your counsel. Inform local and state election official colleagues.
    • Ask for a list of the names of the monitors or observers being deployed to your jurisdiction.
    • Identify other jurisdictions that have been selected for observation or monitoring. Communicate challenges and successes.
    • Connect your counsel with similarly situated local election officials’ counsel.
    • Contact your congressional representative or senator.

Election Interference or Disruption

Attempts to interfere with the administration of safe and secure elections can take many forms, including unlawful attempts to seize election materials and voter intimidation. Federal and state laws strictly prohibit federal interference in elections. Historically, federal efforts to interfere in elections have been exceptionally rare. However, reviewing the applicable laws and regulations will help you to appropriately prepare and respond, if necessary.

Scenario: Law enforcement officials (or others) demand access to or attempt to seize voter data, election materials, or election equipment

Summary

State and local election officials are the custodians of election records and equipment. They operate within a complex legal framework that includes state statutes, federal law, and constitutional boundaries. Responding to requests for access, subpoenas, orders, and other demands for custody of election-related materials or equipment with clarity and consistency requires careful attention to those rules, and to the roles that different levels of government play in election administration.

Discussion

Under the U.S. Constitution, both states and Congress have responsibilities related to elections. Though Congress may set rules for federal elections, in practice, states manage voter registration, voting systems, and the broader infrastructure of election administration. No federal agency has blanket authority to intervene in or access election systems without legal process or specific statutory authorization. All requests — from any requestor — must respect the constitutional and statutory framework that preserves state and local control.

Federal law designates election officials as the custodians of “all records and papers which come into [their] possession relating to any application, registration, payment of poll tax, or other act requisite to voting” and requires them to “preserve and maintain” these records for 22 months (52 U.S.C. § 20701). The Department of Justice has advised that election-related records must remain under election officials’ supervision, thereby limiting conditions under which others may be granted access.

Federal and state laws may limit the information that local New Mexico election officials are required to or prohibited from providing to federal officials. For example, 52 U.S.C. § 20703 requires custodians to make election records “available for inspection, reproduction, and copying at the principal office of such custodian,” but only if the attorney general makes a demand “in writing . . . [that includes] a statement of the basis and the purpose therefor.” And while state law makes registration records available for public inspection, it prohibits the county clerk or secretary of state from disclosing voters’ Social Security numbers, codes used to identify agencies where voters registered, a voter’s day and month of birth, or voters’ phone numbers when disclosure is prohibited by the voter (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–4–5.5(B)).

In July 2025, the Department of Justice requested full access to New Mexico’s complete statewide voter registration list, including sensitive personal information. After New Mexico offered to provide the DOJ with in-person or electronic access to a redacted statewide voter registration list, the DOJ sued New Mexico’s secretary of state for refusing to provide the complete statewide voter registration list. In July 2026, a judge dismissed the case. An appeal is pending. Check with your counsel as to the status of the appeal.

In several other states, federal officials have also sought access to election-related materials beyond statewide voter registration lists, including voter data, election materials, and election equipment. For example, a DOJ official reportedly requested access to voting machines in two Missouri counties. In Arizona, a state senator produced records related to the state Senate’s audit of the 2020 election in Maricopa County in response to an FBI grand jury subpoena. The DOJ has also demanded 2024 ballots and other election materials from Wayne County, Michigan. The FBI has seized materials related to the 2020 federal election from Fulton County, Georgia. And DHS reportedly sought and obtained voter records from at least six Ohio counties; in Franklin County, DHS confirmed it was investigating possible voter fraud and requested records of dozens of voters.

Separately, federal and state laws prohibit anyone, including federal officials, from interfering in an election. For example, 18 U.S.C. § 595 prohibits government employees from using official authority in connection with federally financed activity to interfere in a federal election, and 18 U.S.C. § 598 prohibits the use of congressional appropriations “for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing any individual in the exercise of his right to vote.” As for state law, N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–14(A) prohibits inducing or attempting to induce fear in election officials, employees, agents, or board members through the use or threatened use of force or violence. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–17(A)–(B) prohibits, “under color of law or otherwise,” unauthorized individuals from approaching within 50 feet of the voter entrance at a polling place or willfully blocking access to a monitored secured container or polling place entrance; and prohibits intentionally preventing free ingress or egress to or from a voting location by rendering access impassable, or by intimidation or disturbance. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–20(A) prohibits creating disorder or disruption at a polling place beginning 28 days before an election through Election Day. And N.M. Stat. Ann. §§ 1–20–4 and 1–20–5 prohibit, without lawful authority, opening a ballot box or inspecting or removing its contents, or opening, unlocking, inspecting, tampering with, resetting, or adjusting a voting machine owned by a county, including conspiring with others to engage in such conduct.

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Consult with your counsel to review policies and protocols for restrictions on and best practices for managing access to voter data, election materials, and election equipment, along with any recent court rulings addressing law enforcement demands or attempts to obtain such access. Inform your counsel of any relevant past concerns, challenges, or special considerations in your jurisdiction.
  • Consider documenting a procedure plan in consultation with counsel and other election officials if presented with a demand for voter data, election materials, or election equipment.
  • Any response to federal efforts to access or obtain voter data, election materials, or election equipment should be structured in a way that preserves the security of election materials and equipment, protects voter privacy, and avoids unnecessary disruption to voting, canvassing, or certification processes.
  • It is important to note, however, that if federal officials present a warrant signed by a judge, judicially approved warrants generally require prompt compliance, and it may be a crime to resist or interfere with their execution. Nonetheless, you should still contact your counsel without delay.
  • If access to voter data, election materials, or election equipment is provided in response to a subpoena or warrant, consult with counsel on how to obtain judicial oversight to ensure the security of those records, materials, and systems.
  • Prepare a communications plan to address public concerns, media inquiries, or disinformation about the custody, storage, or security of election materials and equipment, including by explaining applicable legal obligations and safeguards where appropriate.
  • Clearly mark public areas, restricted zones, employee-only spaces, and designated observation points to help manage in-person requests, maintain order, and protect secure environments.
  • When appropriate, consult the New Mexico secretary of state’s office and other trusted and experienced state and local election officials for advice on efficiently fielding similar requests. Sharing information may also help other officials facing similar situations.

Scenario: Armed federal officials or troops are deployed to a voting location

Summary

Deployments of armed federal officials or military personnel to voting locations may implicate federal and state restrictions on armed personnel and firearms. Laws prohibiting voter intimidation and election interference may also apply.

Discussion

On its face, 18 U.S.C. § 592 makes it a felony for federal civil servants to order, bring, keep, or have under their control armed federal law enforcement officials at any polling location unless that location is under armed foreign attack. Given that federal law enforcement officials — including — are typically armed, this prohibition would usually prohibit their deployment to in-person voting locations. Notably, although 18 U.S.C. § 592 was enacted well after the passage of the Insurrection Act, it does not provide an exemption for troops deployed pursuant to the act.

New Mexico law contains a similar restriction directed specifically at armed federal personnel. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–25(A)(1) prohibits any person acting “under color of law or otherwise” from ordering, bringing, or keeping troops or armed persons in the U.S. civil, military, or naval service at any location used as a polling place, including parking areas or within 50 feet of a drop box beginning 28 days before an election through Election Day, unless such force is necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States. The same statute prohibits interfering in any manner with the conduct of an election or with election officials, voters, challengers, or watchers in the discharge of their duties under the election law (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–25(A)(4)). However, the statute expressly does not “limit any federal authority that is validly exercised pursuant to federal law” (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–25(G)).

Additionally, as explained above, New Mexico generally permits a person to carry a firearm openly without a permit (see N.M. Const. art. II, § 6) but prohibits carrying a concealed loaded firearm unless an exception applies, including when the person possesses a valid concealed handgun license (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–7–2(A), (A)(5)). The provision contains no exemption based solely on military status, but it exempts a “peace officer” in two circumstances (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–7–2(A)(3)–(4)). First, a peace officer is exempt when acting in accordance with the policies of the officer’s law enforcement agency and certified pursuant to New Mexico’s Law Enforcement Training Act (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–7–2(A)(3)). Federal law enforcement officers might not qualify under this circumstance because the Law Enforcement Training Act generally defines a “law enforcement agency” and “police officer” in state, local, and qualifying tribal terms (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 29–7–7(I)–(J)). Second, a peace officer is exempt when, among other requirements, temporarily employed by that agency, but New Mexico’s recognition of certain federal officers as peace officers does not itself establish that they are temporarily employed by a New Mexico law enforcement agency (N.M. Stat. Ann. §§ 30–7–2(A)(4), 29–1–11(E)). New Mexico separately prohibits possessing a loaded or unloaded firearm within 100 feet of a polling-place entrance during early voting or on Election Day (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24(A)(1)–(2)). That provision exempts persons in private vehicles and those carrying a concealed firearm with a valid concealed handgun license (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24(B)(5)–(6)). It contains no general military exemption, but exempts several categories of law enforcement officers, including certain certified officers and “commissioned law enforcement officer[s] with the power to arrest” performing official duties or acting pursuant to agency policy (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24(B)(1)–(4)). The exception for officers certified under New Mexico’s Law Enforcement Training Act appears unlikely to encompass federal officers because that act generally defines law enforcement agencies and police officers in state, local, and qualifying tribal terms (N.M. Stat. Ann. §§ 1–20–24(B)(2), 29–7–7(I)–(J)), while the statute’s separate exemptions for a “certified law enforcement officer” and a “commissioned law enforcement officer with the power to arrest” could apply to federal officers because the provision does not limit those terms to officers certified or commissioned under New Mexico law (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–24(B)(1), (B)(3)–(4)).

Beyond location-specific firearm restrictions, New Mexico prohibits unlawfully assaulting or striking at another person with a deadly weapon (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–3–2(A)). The provision does not contain any exemptions. Consequently, this provision might apply to conduct by armed federal personnel that exceeds lawful authority.

Separately, Section 11(b) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (52 U.S.C. § 10307(b)) prohibits intimidating, threatening, or coercing — or attempting to intimidate, threaten, or coerce — voters or those urging or aiding others to vote, whether or not the intent is to intimidate. Courts have consistently recognized that Section 11(b) creates a private right of action, allowing private plaintiffs, including voters, to obtain relief against voter intimidation.

While New Mexico lacks a similar provision containing a private right of action, it prohibits conduct that interferences with or intimidate voters. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–13.1(A) prohibits compelling any voter to vote for or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, proposition, question, or constitutional amendment; and N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–14(A) prohibits intimidating voters by using or threatening force, violence, infliction of damage, harm, or loss, or any form of intimidation or duress to impede or prevent the free exercise of the elective franchise.

New Mexico law also targets those who would interfere with election administration, including by intimidating election officials. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–14(A) prohibits inducing or attempting to induce fear in election officials, employees, agents, or board members through the use or threatened use of force or violence. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–17(A)–(B) prohibits, “under color of law or otherwise,” unauthorized individuals from approaching within 50 feet of the voter entrance at a polling place or willfully blocking access to a monitored secured container or polling place entrance; and prohibits intentionally preventing free ingress or egress to or from a voting location by rendering access impassable, or by intimidation or disturbance. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–20(A) prohibits creating disorder or disruption at a polling place beginning 28 days before an election through Election Day. And N.M. Stat. Ann. §§ 1–20–4 and 1–20–5 prohibit, without lawful authority, opening a ballot box or inspecting or removing its contents, or opening, unlocking, inspecting, tampering with, resetting, or adjusting a voting machine owned by a county, including conspiring with others to engage in such conduct.

Finally, state law provides election officials with authority to preserve order and regulate access at polling sites. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–12–4(A), (C) requires the presiding judge and election judges to maintain order within the polling place, including by controlling and limiting the admission of voters to prevent crowding or rushing of the election board in the performance of its duties. The presiding judge or any election judge may call on a peace officer to assist in maintaining order, in which case the officer must render assistance, and may designate a peace officer to stand outside the polling place entrance and control the admission of voters (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–12–4(D)–(E)). At the same time, N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–12–5(B) prohibits New Mexico state police and other peace officers from interfering with an election board member, a voter, or the conduct of the election, except “to assist in maintaining order and orderly control of access when requested by the presiding judge, an election judge, a county clerk or the secretary of state.”

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Consult with your counsel about the possibility of armed federal officials or troops being deployed to voting locations.
  • Reach out to entities where voting locations are sited (e.g., schools, community centers, and nursing homes) to discuss their policies regarding access to those engaged in immigration enforcement on site and the applicability of those policies during the voting period.
  • Consider listing prohibitions on firearms, intimidation, deterrence, and obstruction on signage posted at election facilities. The Center for Civic Design offers a guide with customizable gun safety signage templates.
  • Provide or cite the above-mentioned statutes when responding to concerns about armed federal officials or troops at election facilities.
  • Keep abreast of developments in cases involving deployment of armed federal officials or troops and evaluate with your counsel to determine whether policy changes are warranted.
  • Contact your counsel if any issues arise.

Scenario: Federal agents are deployed to communities

Summary

Increased and visible deployment of federal agents to communities during the early voting period and on Election Day could have a chilling effect on eligible voters. State and federal voter intimidation laws may apply.

Discussion

New Mexico prohibits unlawfully assaulting or striking at another person with a deadly weapon (N.M. Stat. Ann. § 30–3–2(A)). The provision does not contain any exemptions. Consequently, this provision might apply to conduct by armed federal personnel that exceeds lawful authority.

Separately, Section 11(b) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (52 U.S.C. § 10307(b)) prohibits intimidating, threatening, or coercing — or attempting to intimidate, threaten, or coerce — voters or those urging or aiding others to vote, whether or not the intent is to intimidate. Courts have consistently recognized that Section 11(b) creates a private right of action, allowing private plaintiffs, including voters, to obtain relief against voter intimidation.

While New Mexico lacks a similar provision containing a private right of action, it prohibits conduct that interferences with or intimidate voters. N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–13.1(A) prohibits compelling any voter to vote for or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, proposition, question, or constitutional amendment; and N.M. Stat. Ann. § 1–20–14(A) prohibits intimidating voters by using or threatening force, violence, infliction of damage, harm, or loss, or any form of intimidation or duress to impede or prevent the free exercise of the elective franchise.

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Reach out to community groups, including immigrants’ rights groups, and local leadership (e.g., the mayor’s office and school superintendent) to understand your role in helping eligible voters in your community feel safe exercising their right to vote.
  • Review any public education materials on this matter with local counsel to ensure accuracy and legality.
  • Contact your counsel if any issues arise.

Scenario: Ongoing shifts in USPS operations may increase delays in mail-ballot delivery

Summary

The U.S. Postal Service is responsible for processing, transporting, and delivering the nation’s election mail safely, securely, and on time. Ongoing operational changes may delay delivery of mail ballots.

Discussion

Public confidence in election mail is a crucial component of free and fair U.S. elections. The Postal Service plays a vital role in sustaining that confidence by reliably delivering election mail. Election mail encompasses “any item mailed to or from authorized election officials that enables citizens to participate in the voting process — including ballots, voter registration cards, absentee voting applications and polling place notifications.” Ongoing operational changes in how USPS handles election mail could affect delivery of mail ballots.

One such change is that USPS has consolidated processing into fewer regional facilities, which means that mail in many areas now travels farther to reach a regional processing center. Another change is that mail dropped off at post offices or collection boxes more than 50 miles from a regional hub now may not be collected until the next day. Because mail is postmarked when it reaches a processing facility — not when it is dropped off — these changes may delay postmarking and, in turn, ballot delivery. USPS itself has acknowledged that the gap between mailing and postmarking “has and will become more common” as a result of these changes.

USPS has also adopted new requirements that, if implemented, could affect the timing of ballot delivery. In August 2026, the Postal Service issued a final rule to implement an executive order. The rule imposes new design and tracking requirements for ballots mailed during federal general, special, and runoff elections and requires state-specific participation lists containing voter names and associated, individualized barcodes. USPS would use those lists and barcodes to verify outbound ballot mail before accepting it. Litigation over the final rule and underlying executive order remains ongoing, but these requirements are currently blocked. Check with your counsel as to the status of the litigation.

Even if this rule takes effect, USPS’s governance structure may make rapid implementation uncertain. Unlike most executive agencies, which are led by a single presidentially appointed, Senate-confirmed head, USPS is an “independent establishment of the executive branch” overseen by a bipartisan board of governors (39 U.S.C. § 201). Guided by statute and its bylaws, which require USPS to deliver all mail inducted into its network across all delivery points in the U.S. (39 U.S.C. § 101), the board directs USPS’s powers, reviews Postal Service practices and policies, controls Postal Service expenditures, and selects and may remove the Postmaster General (39 U.S.C. § 202). The Postmaster General, “as directed by the board . . . directs the powers of USPS except for those matters reserved for either the board or the governors.” For example, the “[a]pproval of official statements adopting major policy positions and of official positions on legislative proposals having a major impact on USPS” is a responsibility “[r]eserved for [d]ecision by the [b]oard.”

Taken together, these operational developments make planning for potential delays in mail-ballot delivery challenging, as illustrated by recent experience in Wisconsin. After the state’s April 2026 election, nearly two-thirds of Wisconsin county and municipal clerks responding to a survey reported mail delivery issues, and many said that mail-in ballots took seven to ten business days to arrive rather than the standard three to five. USPS has stated that it plans to take “extraordinary measures” in the days leading up to the 2026 general election to “accelerate the delivery of ballots when the Postal Service is able to identify the mail piece as a ballot,” as it says it has done in every general election since 2020. Although extraordinary measures can expedite ballot handling and allow for extra deliveries and special pickups, they would not alter the underlying changes in postal operations affecting ballot delivery that are discussed above.

Election officials can prepare for and respond to mail-service interruptions or delays such as these by strengthening the parts of the process they can control — for example, by mailing absentee ballots to voters as early as possible; and by informing voters that completed absentee ballots may be returned to the county clerk’s office, a polling place, or a ballot drop box; and publicly communicating when voters should return ballots to ensure they are counted.

Planning and Preparation Steps for Consideration
  • Identify election mail policies and procedures that your office can control, such as voted ballot return envelope design. Review these policies and assess whether changes are appropriate in your jurisdiction.
  • Meet with your local postmaster to share bulk-mailing drop-ship dates and estimated mail volume; troubleshoot issues from previous election cycles and identify any challenges that could arise under current USPS delivery policies; and discuss whether and how “extraordinary measures” will be implemented in your jurisdiction during the upcoming general election.
  • Encourage voters to confirm that their address information is up-to-date and make a plan for how they will vote. If that plan includes using an absentee ballot, encourage them to return completed ballots as early as possible and to use alternatives to the mail where available, such as ballot drop boxes.
  • If your office uses ballot-tracking services or tools, regularly monitor the data for service anomalies and trends, and communicate any issues promptly to USPS officials.
  • Consult your counsel right away if you observe significant or unexpected delays in election-mail delivery, or if federal officials seek to withhold election mail.
  • Report problems to USPS at https://electionmail.usps.com/s/report-a-problem, and be proactive in following up with USPS officials regarding service issues.
  • Share information about service interruptions or delays with local colleagues and other election officials.

The information in this handbook is provided for general informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. You should consult a qualified attorney for advice regarding your particular situation.

More from the State Election Law Interference Handbooks series