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Attorneys' Fee Awards

Arbor Hill—Is Three Times a Charm?

It's unusual for any court to issue three versions of one opinion, but in Arbor Hill Concerned Citizens Neighborhood Ass'n, No. 06-0086 (2d Cir. Apr. 10, 2008), a civil rights case involving an award of attorneys fees, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit is at three, and counting.   One might ask "why?"

The Court got into difficulty with its first decision in July 2007.  It took the discouraging step of declaring that a judge could reduce an award of civil rights attorneys fees if a winning client's lawyer originally took the case in order to advance a "reputational" or "societal" goal.  According to the Court of Appeals, a judge's task should be to determine whether "a thrifty hypothetical client" would have been able to get a lawyer to take a civil rights case for less than the usual rate.  If the conclusion is yes, then the judge could reduce the fee award.

But the court's reasoning was unpersuasive to many. 

For one thing, a central premise of the laws that provide for attorneys fees awards in civil rights cases is that there aren't enough lawyers willing to take these cases without compensation at the market rate payable to attorneys in conventional matters.  Civil rights fees laws are designed to create a financial incentive sufficient to ensure that laws will be enforced and rights vindicated.  A rationale that destroys this financial incentive, on the theory that nonfinancial motivations are enough to enable an imaginary client to secure a lawyer, destroys the guiding purpose of these fees provisions, and eliminates their protection for civil rights. 

Moreover, since lawyers outside of the civil rights community take cases for all kinds of reasons—including for "the money," or for the reputational value that accompanies the representation of certain high profile commercial clients—it hardly makes sense to penalize civil rights lawyers for pursuing the noble cause of enforcing the rule of law, or claiming the prestige that comes with doing good.

And how could such a rule ever work?  Will American courts start quizzing lawyers about their inner thoughts?  Hopefully not—our society generally still rejects big brother-ish mind probing that is this blatant.  Nor could such inquiries be easily carried out, if only because lawyers and their firms commonly have multiple, and often contradictory, reasons for taking cases. 

And what about that concept of the "thrifty hypothetical client" who can be deemed, in hindsight, able to obtain bargain rates from lawyers motivated by reputational and societal goals.  Does that occur?  Do these clients see the altruism and ambition in their lawyers minds?  That would be making a large assumption.

If this weren't enough of a mess, the Arbor Hill decision was also notable for having omitted to mention and to distinguish certain key precedents—past decisions, presumably still good law, that had rejected the idea of discounting fee awards for these reasons.

Since in recent years, the opportunities for people to vindicate their civil rights have been limited by a Supreme Court that has made it ever more difficult to claim attorneys fees, Arbor Hill was an alarming development.

With attorneys at Jenner and Block, and with Hofstra Law Professor and civil rights attorney, Leon Friedman, the Brennan Center urged the Circuit Court, in an amicus brief, to fix the Circuit's civil rights fees jurisprudence by granting a request for rehearing.  We also supported a request for the entire Second Circuit to re-decide the case en banc.  And, we brought together in the amicus brief a coalition of 29 public interest groups anxious for the court to issue a new decision.

The Court acted, but in the most modest of ways.  It denied the request for rehearing, but amended its opinion with a new footnote, explaining that it had never meant to change the law on civil rights attorneys fees:  "Our decision today in no way suggests that attorneys from nonprofit organizations or attorneys with private law firms engaged in pro bono are excluded from the usual approach to determining attorneys fees."  But the court left the rest of its opinion unchanged, and the civil rights community was left to speculate about the opinion's import and effect.  

Months passed, with the court's confusing second opinion unchanged, and in place.  But then, on April 11, 2008 the court issued a third version of its opinion.  This time, the court enlarged the same footnote, and quoted one of its previously omitted precedents for the proposition that:  "[N]or is the award necessarily limited because the attorney has agreed to undertake the case for a reduced fee compared to the customary market rate." 

Of course, this language, still tentative, hardly puts the problem to rest, and the original petition for rehearing by the entire Circuit Court, en banc, is still pending before the court—so perhaps yet another opinion, a fourth, is on the way.  But the newest footnote does take a significant step toward normalizing the Circuit's civil rights fees jurisprudence. 

Can we conclude that civil rights lawyers may avoid discounts of fee awards based on inquiries into their inner motivations in taking cases?   In the wake of the three Arbor Hill decisions, that's still anything but clear, but the court has given us reason to hope so.

Tags: Justice, Civil Justice, Attorneys' Fee Awards

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Reform Federal Civil Justice Policy to Meet the High-Stakes Legal Needs of Low-Income People

By Laura K. Abel & David Pedulla

*Cross-posted from TortDeform.com 

In November, the voters called for a different approach to national policy. With the New Year, it is time for Congress to make that new approach happen. These are some policy reforms that would help fix one fundamentally flawed aspect of our government – the inability of low-income people with pressing civil legal needs to get a fair day in court.

1. Allocate more funding to the Legal Services Corporation.

Every county of every state is served by civil legal aid lawyers receiving federal funding through the Legal Services Corporation (“LSC”). Those lawyers provide representation in cases regarding the daily, crucial legal needs of low-income people, in matters such as child custody, evictions, and subsistence-level public benefits. Repeated studies show that about 80% of those legal needs go unmet because LSC lacks adequate funding. Pro bono and other palliative measures are unable to fill the gap. The minimum Congress should allocate is $411 million – the amount called for by LSC and the American Bar Association. Even that amount will leave many dire legal needs unmet, but it will be an improvement over the current LSC funding level of $330 million.

2. Ensure that Interest on Lawyers’ Trust Accounts accrue the same level of interest as other bank accounts.
Interest on Lawyers’ Trust Accounts (“IOLTA”) – a program in which attorneys bundle client funds in order to generate interest revenue where no interest would otherwise be generated – is one of the nation’s largest funding sources for civil legal aid. Unfortunately, banks sometimes pay less interest on IOLTA accounts than they do on other similar bank accounts. Congress should follow the practice of many state legislatures and state court systems by instituting banking reforms to require banks to pay interest at the same rate on IOLTA accounts as they do on comparable accounts.

3. Remove the LSC “physical separation requirement.”

A holdover policy from the Gingrich-era Congress requires civil legal aid programs receiving LSC funds to waste their scarce resources by establishing two different offices if they want to use their non-LSC funds free of cumbersome restrictions. The restrictions bar the programs from representing clients in class action lawsuits, claiming court-ordered attorneys’ fee awards to strengthen clients’ cases, and representing many categories of immigrants, among other activities. Congress should remove the wasteful physical separation requirement to allow civil legal aid lawyers to help their clients in the most efficient and effective manner.

4. Examine whether the LSC Inspector General is overstepping his mandate by interfering with the ability of civil legal aid programs to serve their clients.
Civil legal aid programs receiving LSC funding recently have come under attack by LSC’s Inspector General (“IG”). The IG claims to be trying to ensure that impact work does not interfere with civil legal aid programs’ ability to meet the basic needs of low-income clients. Our fear is that the IG’s investigations themselves are interfering with the ability of civil legal aid lawyers to meet the needs of their client communities in the most efficient and effective manner. Congress must investigate whether this is the case.

5. Reform the Bankruptcy Act.
In 2005, Congress enacted sweeping changes in the bankruptcy laws. One change that went too far was the imposition of personal liability on lawyers representing clients in bankruptcy proceedings. This reform has scared countless lawyers in public interest organizations and in private practice away from representing clients seeking bankruptcy protection. Congress must roll back this provision to increase financial protection for low-income people and to ensure that the bankruptcy system can benefit from the participation of lawyers skilled at counseling and representing clients.

6. Fund student loan forgiveness programs for civil legal aid lawyers.
Another reason low-income people have a hard time finding high-quality legal representation is that few recent law school graduates can afford to take public interest jobs. A recent study found that more than 80% of law students borrow money to pay for law school, with an average loan burden of $78,763 for students attending private schools. For these students, taking a legal aid job paying an average of $35,000 is not an option. Congress should expand a pilot program operated by the Legal Services Corporation, which helps civil legal aid attorneys repay their loans.

7. Pass legislation similar to the Civil Rights Act of 2004 (the FAIRNESS Act).
Over the course of the past decade, the federal courts have stripped themselves of the ability to enforce many important civil rights protections. The result is that people suffering discrimination often find that they have no way to enforce their rights. The FAIRNESS Act would restore access to the courts for seniors seeking to challenge age discrimination, for immigrants seeking to enforce their language access rights, and for many others seeking fair treatment under the law.

Tags: Justice, Civil Justice, Attorneys' Fee Awards, Civil Legal Aid, Fair Forums, Language Access

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