Blog
Allegations of Voter Fraud
By Thaddeus Kromelis – 07/29/08
We don't need more reasons to worry about foreclosure rates.
Digby, nonetheless, citing this AP/CBSnews.com
story, provides one: the high rate of foreclosures in Ohio and the affect election officials
believe it could have on their voting rolls.
(Digby cited the voting issue in the context of a 7/26 longer posting on Hans von
Spakovsky, "legal disenfranchisement" and "voter fraud.") There's concern that a
wave of voters, still registered to their former—foreclosed—address, will
show up to the polls on election day. This could lead to a number of
pre-election challenges or a whole lot of voters casting provisional ballots in
Ohio.
Read the rest of this story ...
Tags: Democracy, Voting Rights & Elections, Allegations of Voter Fraud, Election Day Issues, Other Voter List Issues, Purges, Voter Registration Drives
By Michael Waldman – 05/23/08
I just sat through a nail-biting, emotionally exhausting
two hour TV movie. The opening ten minutes were especially
nerve-wracking. The film begins with elderly Floridians squinting at
their butterfly ballots, then stabbing at the ballots, scary music playing,
over and over, voting by accident for Pat Buchanan. Think of the shower
scene in "Psycho" with your grandmother instead of Janet Leigh. Even more
exciting: would the panting, lurching advance man catch up with Al Gore before
he walked onstage to concede?
Maybe not everybody would find this as thrilling. But
Recount,which airs on HBO this Sunday, is one of the
better political movies I've ever seen. It "gets" the motives and methods
of political players better than anything in years. More relevant to the
work of the Brennan
Center, it brings to life
the ways our elections can go wrong, and the rickety and often corrupt
machinery by which we still cast and count votes.
(Full disclosure: I am an old colleague and friend of Ron
Klain, the protagonist; I see GOP lawyer Ben Ginsberg at the beach many summers;
and I go duck hunting with James Baker every year. Well, that part isn't
true. But like anyone involved in politics, back then I had a rooting interest
in the outcome of the recount.)
The narrative crackles and does a good job portraying the
legal machinations that led to the Supreme Court's 5–4 intervention to stop the
counting, thus making George W. Bush President. It's all here, from the
"Brooks Brothers riot" in which Republican congressional staffers shut down the
counting in Miami,
to the frenzied efforts to read and understand the Supreme Court opinion that
announced its reasoning only applied to this case. The acting is
terrific, and the dialogue is sharp and as profane as real life politics (and
HBO).
Read the rest of this story ...
Tags: Democracy, Voting After Criminal Conviction, Voting Rights & Elections, Allegations of Voter Fraud, Other Voter List Issues, Purges, Voting Technology
By Justin Levitt – 04/24/08
If you weren't reading carefully, then you might have missed an
important nugget in a voter fraud story buried in Tuesday's
presidential primary coverage. It was in a piece Connecticut's
Hartford Courant ran entitled
"Dead
Voters?" (Note the punctuation, more on that all-important question mark in a
moment.)
The report concerned a research project to track down dead
voters on the state voting rolls. The researchers first tried to match up
computer lists of dead people to computerized voting records, comparing names
and birthdates from one list to the other.
Most times, this would have been the end of the research—and you'd have seen screaming headlines about rampant voter fraud. So many
matches, so many illegal votes. We saw stories like this, trolling for dead
people or double voters by trying to match records from place to place, in 2000, in 2004, in 2005,
in 2006. And we'll probably see them
again this year.
These stories all share a common problem: trying to identify
individuals by computerized matching of names and birthdates isn't all that
reliable. Even if the underlying information is accurate—and the lists of who voted, or who
is dead, often have mistakes—the matching exercise itself may get the
answer wrong.
For example, people are often surprised to find out how many
different people have the same name and birthdate. With just 23 people in a
room, it's more likely than not that two will share the same birthday (month
and day). Throw in the year, and—as proven in a new article on the
statistics of double voting (disclosure:
I'm the co-author)—the number is about 180.
Which means that if you've got 180 "John Smith"s or "Manuel
Rodriguez"s, at least two of them will probably be namesakes with the same
birthdate. When you start comparing
millions of voters to millions of other people, you start picking up
doppelgängers everywhere. Finding a few name-and-birthdate matches in lists of
millions of people shows statistical probability at work, not fraud.
Which is why the researchers behind yesterday's Courant article should be commended for
their unusual follow-up. The extent to which their overall match numbers are
inflated by the birthdate problem, or other match errors, is not clear—as
they noted.
But they also recognized that the overall numbers represented the start of an
investigation, not the conclusion. With a list of 100 suspects, the researchers
apparently applied a substantial amount of shoe leather, tracking down the
actual facts behind the voters in question and beyond the match. And lo and
behold: "Although the investigation found no evidence of deliberate fraud, it
uncovered numerous errors in voting and registration records kept by local
registrars."
So, thanks to a little more effort than usual, we know the
answer to the headline's question. Dead voters? No. Responsible research? So it
would seem.
Tags: Democracy, Voting Rights & Elections, Allegations of Voter Fraud, Other Voter List Issues
By Chisun Lee – 11/13/07
*Cross-posted from Huffington Post's OffTheBus
You'd think that with a presidential election looming next year,
people would pay more attention to the restrictive voter ID laws that
keep popping up across the country. These laws will play a big role in
determining who can and cannot vote in the 2008 election. And anyone
who thinks the officials pushing strict new ID laws must have sound reasons might pause for a moment on the example of Justice Department voting rights chief John Tanner.
Last month, he said "statistically," ID requirements that
disenfranchise the elderly who do not have, and cannot easily get
driver's licenses, would not harm racial minorities, because "minorities don't become elderly the way white people do
- they die first." He said "the math is," a measure that
"disproportionately impacts the elderly has the opposite impact on
minorities."
His reasoning won him a congressional grilling.
A member from his boss's party demanded to know if his "statement was
supported by empirical data." Tanner could only say, "I . . .
apologize."
Yes, Tanner is the nation's top voting rights enforcer. He is also
the one giving the green light to certain state voter ID restrictions
proposed in the last few years, despite warnings from his veteran staffers
that these laws would unfairly and impermissibly restrict the right to
vote. Proponents insist the new measures are necessary to combat
rampant "voter fraud"--a claim that holds up as well as Tanner's
"math."
This reasoning will be tested in a Supreme Court battle
this term over Indiana's new voter ID law and some dozen others waiting
in the wings. Depending on the outcome, millions of voters could face
ID restrictions in the 2008 presidential election.
Indiana's law is among the most severe of the new genre. It forbids
citizens from casting a regular ballot if they cannot produce an
unexpired, government-issued photo ID that matches registration
records. Utility bills and other documents previously allowed for
identification would no longer be valid; neither would military IDs or
even Congressional IDs.
The widespread adoption of ID restrictions could effectively bar
millions of citizens from voting. Over 10 percent of Americans lack a
current driver's license, passport, or comparable photo ID, according
to a 2006 survey analysis
by the Brennan Center for Justice. Certain groups are more likely not
to have ID: the elderly, for instance (over 6 million nationally lack
ID), the poor (15 percent of adults earning less than $35,000
annually), and racial minorities (over 5.5 million African Americans
nationally).
The majority of Americans who have ID may find it difficult to
believe so many don't. But in Wisconsin, almost a quarter of seniors,
59 percent of Latinas, and nearly 80 percent of young black men don't
have a driver's license. Obtaining ID can cost money and workday time
and require supporting documentation - such as a birth certificate -
that may be difficult or even impossible to get.
Federal appellate judge Richard Posner, who wrote to uphold the Indiana law
, put it squarely: "[M]ost people who don't have photo ID are low on
the economic ladder." Posner nevertheless opted to uphold the law, and
thus propelled the case towards the Supreme Court, demonstrates the
power of the voter fraud myth.
Supporters of ID requirements say they are necessary to stop voter
impersonation at Indiana's polls. Yet as the state's lawyers concede, there has never been a single documented instance of voter impersonation in the history of Indiana. Nationally, voter impersonation happens about as often as someone gets killed by lightning - in the 2004 election in Ohio, for instance, once in 2.5 million votes.
Maybe that's because voter fraud is already punishable by a $10,000
fine and five years in prison, and there's just very little to gain
from pretending to be another voter.
Asked by the Indianapolis Star to
explain the state's lack of impersonation evidence, Indiana Secretary
of State Todd Rokita gave this Tannerist response: There is no proof of
voter impersonation, because voter impersonation "is hard to prove."
Rokita nonetheless insisted the ID law is sound policy "[w]hether you
want to believe fraud exists or not."
But investigations into alleged voter fraud
- from Missouri to New Hampshire to Wisconsin, and beyond -
consistently reveal that the problem is bad bureaucracy not bad, or
fraudulent voters.
Those who input data botch birth dates and misspell names. Computers
and officials, failing to realize that people commonly share names or
birthdays or sometimes both, flag mere coincidences as "fraud." Dead
voters turn out to be alive. So-called "vacant-lot voters" often live
in legitimate residences, but on property with outdated commercial
zoning. And, most commonly, state databases don't keep track of voters
who move or pass away.
These problems scream for solutions - mainly, better administration,
which existing but under-implemented federal law already requires. But
none has anything to do with people showing up at the polls pretending
to be other people.
It might still be okay for Indiana to police an imaginary problem -
Posner calls this "preventive action" - were it not for the
constitutional protections for fundamental rights.
Requiring official photo ID is an exclusionary policy premised on a
phantom menace. It won't fix real problems, but it will sacrifice real
people's fundamental right to vote.
Chisun Lee is counsel at the Brennan Center for Justice at the NYU
School of Law, which will serve as amicus in support of petitioners in the Indiana case and has just issued a new report, The Truth About Voter Fraud.
Tags: Democracy, Voting Rights & Elections, Allegations of Voter Fraud, Voter ID
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